Flag of the Taliban
|Group(s)||Primarily Pashtuns; Tajiks, Uzbeks and Turkmens|
|Area of operations|
|Battles and war(s)|
|Part of a series on|
|Ideology and influences|
|Founders and key figures|
|Centres (markaz) of Tablighi Jamaat|
The Taliban (Pashto: طالبان, romanized: ṭālibān, lit. 'students') or Taleban, who refer to themselves as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA), are a Sunni Islamic fundamentalist political movement and military organisation in Afghanistan currently waging war (an insurgency, or jihad) within that country. Since 2016, the Taliban's leader is Mawlawi Hibatullah Akhundzada.
From 1996 to 2001, the Taliban held power over roughly three quarters of Afghanistan, and enforced a strict interpretation of Sharia, or Islamic law. The Taliban emerged in 1994 as one of the prominent factions in the Afghan Civil War and largely consisted of students (talib) from the Pashtun areas of eastern and southern Afghanistan who had been educated in traditional Islamic schools, and fought during the Soviet–Afghan War. Under the leadership of Mohammed Omar, the movement spread throughout most of Afghanistan, sequestering power from the Mujahideen warlords. The totalitarian Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan was established in 1996 and the Afghan capital was transferred to Kandahar. It held control of most of the country until being overthrown after the American-led invasion of Afghanistan in December 2001 following the September 11 attacks. At its peak, formal diplomatic recognition of the Taliban's government was acknowledged by only three nations: Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. The group later regrouped as an insurgency movement to fight the American-backed Karzai administration and the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in the War in Afghanistan.
The Taliban have been condemned internationally for the harsh enforcement of their interpretation of Islamic Sharia law, which has resulted in the brutal treatment of many Afghans, especially women. During their rule from 1996 to 2001, the Taliban and their allies committed massacres against Afghan civilians, denied UN food supplies to 160,000 starving civilians and conducted a policy of scorched earth, burning vast areas of fertile land and destroying tens of thousands of homes. During their rule they banned hobbies and activities such as kite flying and keeping birds as pets, and discriminatorily targeted many ethnic minorities, including Shiite Muslims, while their enforcement of identifiable badges on Hindus was likened to Nazi Germany's treatment of Jews. According to the United Nations, the Taliban and their allies were responsible for 76% of Afghan civilian casualties in 2010, 80% in 2011, and 80% in 2012. The Taliban has also engaged in cultural genocide, destroying numerous monuments including the famous 1500-year old Buddhas of Bamiyan.
The Taliban's ideology has been described as combining an "innovative" form of sharia Islamic law based on Deobandi fundamentalism and the militant Islamism and Salafi jihadism of Osama bin Laden with Pashtun social and cultural norms known as Pashtunwali,[page needed] as most Taliban are Pashtun tribesmen.
The Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence and military are widely alleged by the international community and the Afghan government to have provided support to the Taliban during their founding and time in power, and of continuing to support the Taliban during the insurgency. Pakistan states that it dropped all support for the group after the 11 September attacks. In 2001, reportedly 2,500 Arabs under command of Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden fought for the Taliban.
The word Taliban is Pashto, طالبان ṭālibān, meaning "students", the plural of ṭālib. This is a loanword from Arabic طالب ṭālib, using the Persian plural ending -ān ان. In Arabic طالبان ṭālibān means not "students" but "two students", as it is a dual form, the Arabic plural being طلاب ṭullāb—occasionally causing some confusion to Arabic speakers. Since becoming a loanword in English, Taliban, besides a plural noun referring to the group, has also been used as a singular noun referring to an individual. For example, John Walker Lindh has been referred to as "an American Taliban", rather than "an American Talib". In the English language newspapers of Pakistan, the word Talibans is often used when referring to more than one Taliban. The spelling Taliban has come to be predominant over Taleban in English.
Soviet intervention (1978–1992)
After the Soviet Union intervened and occupied Afghanistan in 1979, Islamic mujahideen fighters engaged in war with those Soviet forces.
Pakistan's President Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq feared that the Soviets were planning to invade also Balochistan, Pakistan, so he sent Akhtar Abdur Rahman to Saudi Arabia to garner support for the Afghan resistance against Soviet occupation forces. A while later, the US CIA and Saudi Arabian General Intelligence Directorate (GID) funnelled funding and equipment through the Pakistani Inter-Service Intelligence Agency (ISI) to the Afghan mujahideen.
About 90,000 Afghans, including Mohammed Omar, were trained by Pakistan's ISI during the 1980s. The British Professor Carole Hillenbrand concluded that the Taliban have arisen from those US-Saudi-Pakistan-supported mujahideen: "The West helped the Taliban to fight the Soviet takeover of Afghanistan".
Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)
After the fall of the Soviet-backed regime of Mohammad Najibullah in 1992, many Afghan political parties, but not Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, Hizb-e Wahdat, and Ittihad-i Islami, in April agreed on a peace and power-sharing agreement, the Peshawar Accord, which created the Islamic State of Afghanistan and appointed an interim government for a transitional period; but that Islamic State and its government were paralysed right from the start, due to rivalling groups contending for total power over Kabul and Afghanistan.
Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin party refused to recognise the interim government, and in April infiltrated Kabul to take power for itself, thus starting this civil war. In May, Hekmatyar started attacks against government forces and Kabul. Hekmatyar received operational, financial and military support from Pakistan's ISI. With that help, Hekmatyar's forces were able to destroy half of Kabul. Iran assisted the Hizb-e Wahdat forces of Abdul Ali Mazari. Saudi Arabia supported the Ittihad-i Islami faction. The conflict between these militias also escalated into war.
Due to this sudden initiation of civil war, working government departments, police units or a system of justice and accountability for the newly created Islamic State of Afghanistan did not have time to form. Atrocities were committed by individuals inside different factions. Ceasefires, negotiated by representatives of the Islamic State's newly appointed Defense Minister Ahmad Shah Massoud, President Sibghatullah Mojaddedi and later President Burhanuddin Rabbani (the interim government), or officials from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), commonly collapsed within days. The countryside in northern Afghanistan, parts of which was under the control of Defense Minister Massoud remained calm and some reconstruction took place. The city of Herat under the rule of Islamic State ally Ismail Khan also witnessed relative calm.
Meanwhile, southern Afghanistan was neither under the control of foreign-backed militias nor the government in Kabul, but was ruled by local leaders such as Gul Agha Sherzai and their militias. The Taliban only first emerged on the scene in August 1994, announcing to liberate Afghanistan from its present corrupt leadership of warlords, and establish a pure Islamic society.
The Taliban are a movement of religious students (talib) from the Pashtun areas of eastern and southern Afghanistan who were educated in traditional Islamic schools in Pakistan. There were also Tajik and Uzbek students, demarking them from the more ethnic-centric mujahideen groups "which played a key role in the Taliban’s rapid growth and success."
Mullah Mohammad Omar in September 1994 in his hometown of Kandahar with 50 students founded the group. Omar had since 1992 been studying in the Sang-i-Hisar madrassa in Maiwand (northern Kandahar Province). He was unhappy that Islamic law had not been installed in Afghanistan after the ousting of communist rule, and now with his group pledged to rid Afghanistan of warlords and criminals.
The US government covertly provided violent schoolbooks filled with militant Islamic teachings and jihad and images of weapons and soldiers in an effort to inculcate in children anti-Soviet insurgency and hate for foreigners. The Taliban used the American textbooks but scratched out human faces in keeping with strict fundamentalist interpretation. The United States Agency for International Development gave millions of dollars to the University of Nebraska at Omaha in the 1980s to develop and publish the textbooks in local languages.
Those early Taliban were motivated by the suffering among the Afghan people, which they believed resulted from power struggles between Afghan groups not adhering to the moral code of Islam; in their religious schools they had been taught a belief in strict Islamic law.
Sources state that Pakistan was heavily involved, already in October 1994, in the "creating" of the Taliban. Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI), strongly supporting the Taliban in 1994, hoped for a new ruling power in Afghanistan favourable to Pakistan. Even if the Taliban received financial support from Pakistan in 1995 and 1996, and even if "Pakistani support was forthcoming from an early stage of the Taliban movement’s existence, the connection was fragile and statements from both the Pakistani ISI as well as the Taliban early on demonstrated the uneasy nature of the relationship. The ISI and Pakistan aimed to exert control, while the Taliban leadership manoeuvred between keeping its independence and sustaining support." The main supporters in Pakistan were General Naseerullah Babar, who mainly thought in terms of geopolitics (opening trade routes to Central Asia), and Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F), as "the group represented Deobandism and aimed to counter the influence of the Jama’at-e Islami and growing Wahhabism."
On 3 November 1994, the Taliban in a surprise attack conquered Kandahar City. Before 4 January 1995, they controlled 12 Afghan provinces. Militias controlling the different areas often surrendered without a fight. Omar's commanders were a mixture of former small-unit military commanders and madrassa teachers. At these stages, the Taliban were popular, because they stamped out corruption, curbed lawlessness, and made the roads and area safe.
1995 – September 1996
In a bid to establish their rule over all Afghanistan, the Taliban expanded from their Kandahar base sweeping large territories. In early 1995 the movement moved towards Kabul, but they suffered a devastating defeat against government forces of the Islamic State of Afghanistan under the command of Ahmad Shah Massoud. While retreating from Kabul, Taliban fighters started shelling the city, killing many civilians. The media reported in March 1995 that, following the Taliban's shelling, they lost much respect from Afghans and were seen as just another "power-hungry" militia.
After a series of setbacks, the Taliban managed to take control of the western city of Herat on 5 September 1995. Following allegations by the recognised government that Pakistan was aiding the Taliban, a large mob of people attacked the Pakistani embassy in Kabul the day after.
On 26 September 1996, as the Taliban prepared for another major offensive, Massoud ordered a full retreat from Kabul to continue anti-Taliban resistance in the northeastern Hindu Kush mountains instead of engaging in street battles in Kabul. The Taliban entered Kabul on 27 September 1996 and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Analysts described the Taliban then as developing into a proxy force for Pakistan's regional interests.
Taliban's Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (1996–2001)
The military goal of the Taliban during the period 1995 to 2001 was to return the order of Abdur Rahman (the Iron Emir) by the re-establishment of a state with Pashtun dominance within the northern areas. The Taliban sought to establish an Islamic government through law and order alongside a strict interpretation of Sharia law, in accordance with the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence and the religious edicts of Mullah Omar, upon the entire land of Afghanistan. By 1998, the Taliban's Emirate controlled 90% of Afghanistan.
In December 2000, the UNSC in Resolution 1333, recognising humanitarian needs of the Afghan people, condemning the use of Taliban territory for training of "terrorists" and Taliban providing safe haven to Osama bin Laden, issued severe sanctions against Afghanistan under Taliban control. In October 2001, the United States, with allies including the Afghan Northern Alliance, invaded Afghanistan and routed the Taliban regime. The Taliban leadership fled into Pakistan.
Afghanistan during Taliban rule
When the Taliban took power in 1996, twenty years of continuous warfare had devastated Afghanistan's infrastructure and economy. There was no running water, little electricity, few telephones, functioning roads or regular energy supplies. Basic necessities like water, food, housing and others were in desperately short supply. In addition, the clan and family structure that provided Afghans with a social/economic safety net was also badly damaged. Afghanistan's infant mortality was the highest in the world. A full quarter of all children died before they reached their fifth birthday, a rate several times higher than most other developing countries.
International charitable and/or development organisations (non-governmental organisations or NGOs) were extremely important to the supply of food, employment, reconstruction, and other services, but the Taliban proved highly suspicious towards the 'help' those organisations offered (see § United Nations and NGOs). With one million plus deaths during the years of war, the number of families headed by widows had reached 98,000 by 1998. In Kabul, where vast portions of the city had been devastated by rocket attacks, more than half of its 1.2 million people benefited in some way from NGO activities, even for drinking water. The civil war and its never-ending refugee stream continued throughout the Taliban's reign. The Mazar, Herat, and Shomali valley offensives displaced more than three-quarters of a million civilians, using "scorched earth" tactics to prevent them from supplying the enemy with aid.
Taliban decision-makers, particularly Mullah Omar, seldom if ever talked directly to non-Muslim foreigners, so aid providers had to deal with intermediaries whose approvals and agreements were often reversed. Around September 1997 the heads of three UN agencies in Kandahar were expelled from the country after protesting when a female attorney for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees was forced to talk from behind a curtain so her face would not be visible.
When the UN increased the number of Muslim women staff to satisfy Taliban demands, the Taliban then required all female Muslim UN staff travelling to Afghanistan to be chaperoned by a mahram or a blood relative. In July 1998, the Taliban closed "all NGO offices" by force after those organisations refused to move to a bombed-out former Polytechnic College as ordered. One month later the UN offices were also shut down. As food prices rose and conditions deteriorated, Planning Minister Qari Din Mohammed explained the Taliban's indifference to the loss of humanitarian aid:
We Muslims believe God the Almighty will feed everybody one way or another. If the foreign NGOs leave then it is their decision. We have not expelled them.
Role of the Pakistani military
The Taliban were largely founded by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence beginning in 1994; the I.S.I. used the Taliban to establish a regime in Afghanistan which would be favourable to Pakistan, as they were trying to gain strategic depth. Since the creation of the Taliban, the ISI and the Pakistani military have given financial, logistical and military support.
According to Pakistani Afghanistan expert Ahmed Rashid, "between 1994 and 1999, an estimated 80,000 to 100,000 Pakistanis trained and fought in Afghanistan" on the side of the Taliban. Peter Tomsen stated that up until 9/11 Pakistani military and ISI officers along with thousands of regular Pakistani armed forces personnel had been involved in the fighting in Afghanistan.
During 2001, according to several international sources, 28,000–30,000 Pakistani nationals, 14,000–15,000 Afghan Taliban and 2,000–3,000 Al-Qaeda militants were fighting against anti-Taliban forces in Afghanistan as a roughly 45,000 strong military force. Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf – then as Chief of Army Staff – was responsible for sending thousands of Pakistanis to fight alongside the Taliban and Bin Laden against the forces of Ahmad Shah Massoud. Of the estimated 28,000 Pakistani nationals fighting in Afghanistan, 8,000 were militants recruited in madrassas filling regular Taliban ranks. The document further states that the parents of those Pakistani nationals "know nothing regarding their child's military involvement with the Taliban until their bodies are brought back to Pakistan". A 1998 document by the US State Department confirms that "20–40 percent of [regular] Taliban soldiers are Pakistani." According to the State Department report and reports by Human Rights Watch, the other Pakistani nationals fighting in Afghanistan were regular Pakistani soldiers, especially from the Frontier Corps but also from the army providing direct combat support.
Human Rights Watch wrote in 2000:
Of all the foreign powers involved in efforts to sustain and manipulate the ongoing fighting [in Afghanistan], Pakistan is distinguished both by the sweep of its objectives and the scale of its efforts, which include soliciting funding for the Taliban, bankrolling Taliban operations, providing diplomatic support as the Taliban's virtual emissaries abroad, arranging training for Taliban fighters, recruiting skilled and unskilled manpower to serve in Taliban armies, planning and directing offensives, providing and facilitating shipments of ammunition and fuel, and ... directly providing combat support.
On 1 August 1997, the Taliban launched an attack on Sheberghan, the main military base of Abdul Rashid Dostum. Dostum has said the reason the attack was successful was due to 1500 Pakistani commandos taking part and that the Pakistani air force also gave support.
In 1998, Iran accused Pakistan of sending its air force to bomb Mazar-i-Sharif in support of Taliban forces and directly accused Pakistani troops for "war crimes at Bamiyan". The same year, Russia said Pakistan was responsible for the "military expansion" of the Taliban in northern Afghanistan by sending large numbers of Pakistani troops, some of whom had subsequently been taken as prisoners by the anti-Taliban United Front.
During 2000, the UN Security Council imposed an arms embargo against military support to the Taliban, with UN officials explicitly singling out Pakistan. The UN secretary-general implicitly criticised Pakistan for its military support and the Security Council stated it was "deeply distress[ed] over reports of involvement in the fighting, on the Taliban side, of thousands of non-Afghan nationals". In July 2001, several countries, including the United States, accused Pakistan of being "in violation of U.N. sanctions because of its military aid to the Taliban". The Taliban also obtained financial resources from Pakistan. In 1997 alone, after the capture of Kabul by the Taliban, Pakistan gave $30 million in aid and a further $10 million for government wages.
During 2000, British Intelligence reported that the ISI was taking an active role in several Al-Qaeda training camps. The ISI helped with the construction of training camps for both the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. From 1996 to 2001 the Al-Qaeda of Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri became a state within the Taliban state. Bin Laden sent Arab and Central Asian Al-Qaeda militants to join the fight against the United Front, among them his Brigade 055.
The role of the Pakistani military has been described by international observers as well as by the anti-Taliban leader Ahmad Shah Massoud as a "creeping invasion".
Anti-Taliban resistance under Massoud
Ahmad Shah Massoud and Abdul Rashid Dostum, former enemies, created the United Front (Northern Alliance) against the Taliban that were preparing offensives against the remaining areas under the control of Massoud and those under the control of Dostum. The United Front included beside the dominantly Tajik forces of Massoud and the Uzbek forces of Dostum, Hazara troops led by Haji Mohammad Mohaqiq and Pashtun forces under the leadership of commanders such as Abdul Haq and Haji Abdul Qadir. Notable politicians and diplomats of the United Front included Abdul Rahim Ghafoorzai, Abdullah Abdullah and Massoud Khalili. From the Taliban conquest of Kabul in September 1996 until November 2001 the United Front controlled roughly 30% of Afghanistan's population in provinces such as Badakhshan, Kapisa, Takhar and parts of Parwan, Kunar, Nuristan, Laghman, Samangan, Kunduz, Ghōr and Bamyan.
After longstanding battles, especially for the northern city of Mazar-i-Sharif, Abdul Rashid Dostum and his Junbish forces were defeated by the Taliban and their allies in 1998. Dostum subsequently went into exile. Ahmad Shah Massoud remained the only major anti-Taliban leader inside Afghanistan who was able to defend vast parts of his territory against the Taliban.
In the areas under his control Massoud set up democratic institutions and signed the Women's Rights Declaration. In the area of Massoud, women and girls did not have to wear the Afghan burqa. They were allowed to work and to go to school. In at least two known instances, Massoud personally intervened against cases of forced marriage.
It is our conviction and we believe that both men and women are created by the Almighty. Both have equal rights. Women can pursue an education, women can pursue a career, and women can play a role in society – just like men.— Ahmad Shah Massoud, 2001
Massoud is adamant that in Afghanistan women have suffered oppression for generations. He says that "the cultural environment of the country suffocates women. But the Taliban exacerbate this with oppression." His most ambitious project is to shatter this cultural prejudice and so give more space, freedom and equality to women – they would have the same rights as men.— Pepe Escobar, Massoud: From Warrior to Statesman
Afghan traditions would need a generation or more to overcome and could only be challenged by education, he said. Humayun Tandar, who took part as an Afghan diplomat in the 2001 International Conference on Afghanistan in Bonn, said that "strictures of language, ethnicity, region were [also] stifling for Massoud. That is why ... he wanted to create a unity which could surpass the situation in which we found ourselves and still find ourselves to this day." This applied also to strictures of religion. Jean-José Puig describes how Massoud often led prayers before a meal or at times asked his fellow Muslims to lead the prayer but also did not hesitate to ask a Christian friend Jean-José Puig or the Jewish Princeton University Professor Michael Barry: "Jean-José, we believe in the same God. Please, tell us the prayer before lunch or dinner in your own language."
Human Rights Watch cites no human rights crimes for the forces under direct control of Massoud for the period from October 1996 until the assassination of Massoud in September 2001. 400,000 to one million Afghans fled from the Taliban to the area of Massoud. National Geographic concluded in its documentary Inside the Taliban: "The only thing standing in the way of future Taliban massacres is Ahmad Shah Massoud."
The Taliban repeatedly offered Massoud a position of power to make him stop his resistance. Massoud declined. He explained in one interview:
The Taliban say: "Come and accept the post of prime minister and be with us", and they would keep the highest office in the country, the presidentship. But at what cost?! The difference between us concerns mainly our way of thinking about the very principles of the society and the state. We can not accept their conditions of compromise, or else we would have to give up the principles of modern democracy. We are fundamentally against the system called "the Emirate of Afghanistan".— Ahmad Shah Massoud, 2001
The United Front in its Proposals for Peace demanded the Taliban to join a political process leading towards nationwide democratic elections. In early 2001, Massoud employed a new strategy of local military pressure and global political appeals. Resentment was increasingly gathering against Taliban rule from the bottom of Afghan society, including the Pashtun areas. Massoud publicised their cause of "popular consensus, general elections and democracy" worldwide. At the same time he was very wary not to revive the failed Kabul government of the early 1990s. Already in 1999, he started the training of police forces which he trained specifically in order to keep order and protect the civilian population in case the United Front would be successful. Massoud stated:
The Taliban are not a force to be considered invincible. They are distanced from the people now. They are weaker than in the past. There is only the assistance given by Pakistan, Osama bin Laden and other extremist groups that keep the Taliban on their feet. With a halt to that assistance, it is extremely difficult to survive.— Ahmad Shah Massoud, 2001
From 1999 onwards, a renewed process was set into motion by the Tajik Ahmad Shah Massoud and the Pashtun Abdul Haq to unite all the ethnicities of Afghanistan. While Massoud united the Tajiks, Hazara and Uzbeks as well as some Pashtun commanders under his United Front command, the famed Pashtun commander Abdul Haq received increasing numbers of defecting Pashtun Taliban as "Taliban popularity trended downward". Both agreed to work together with the exiled Afghan king Zahir Shah. International officials who met with representatives of the new alliance, which Pulitzer Prize winner Steve Coll referred to as the "grand Pashtun-Tajik alliance", said, "It's crazy that you have this today ... Pashtuns, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazara ... They were all ready to buy in to the process ... to work under the king's banner for an ethnically balanced Afghanistan." Senior diplomat and Afghanistan expert Peter Tomsen wrote: "The 'Lion of Kabul' [Abdul Haq] and the 'Lion of Panjshir' [Ahmad Shah Massoud] ... Haq, Massoud, and Karzai, Afghanistan's three leading moderates, could transcend the Pashtun–non-Pashtun, north–south divide." The most senior Hazara and Uzbek leader were also part of the process. In late 2000, Massoud officially brought together this new alliance in a meeting in Northern Afghanistan to discuss, among other things, "a Loya Jirga, or a traditional council of elders, to settle political turmoil in Afghanistan". That part of the Pashtun–Tajik–Hazara–Uzbek peace plan did eventually materialise. An account of the meeting by author and journalist Sebastian Junger says: "In 2000, when I was there ... I happened to be there in a very interesting time. ... Massoud brought together Afghan leaders from all ethnic groups. They flew from London, Paris, the USA, all parts of Afghanistan, Pakistan, India. He brought them all into the northern area where he was. He held a council of ... prominent Afghans from all over the world, brought there to discuss the Afghan government after the Taliban. ... we met all these men and interviewed them briefly. One was Hamid Karzai; I did not have any idea who he would end up being".
In early 2001, Ahmad Shah Massoud with ethnic leaders from all of Afghanistan addressed the European Parliament in Brussels asking the international community to provide humanitarian help to the people of Afghanistan. He stated that the Taliban and Al-Qaeda had introduced "a very wrong perception of Islam" and that without the support of Pakistan and Bin Laden the Taliban would not be able to sustain their military campaign for up to a year. On this visit to Europe he also warned that his intelligence had gathered information about a large-scale attack on US soil being imminent. The president of the European Parliament, Nicole Fontaine, called him the "pole of liberty in Afghanistan".
On 9 September 2001, Massoud, then aged 48, was the target of a suicide attack by two Arabs posing as journalists at Khwaja Bahauddin, in the Takhar Province of Afghanistan. Massoud, who had survived countless assassination attempts over a period of 26 years, died in a helicopter taking him to a hospital. The first attempt on Massoud's life had been carried out by Hekmatyar and two Pakistani ISI agents in 1975, when Massoud was only 22 years old. In early 2001, Al-Qaeda would-be assassins were captured by Massoud's forces while trying to enter his territory. The funeral, though in a rather rural area, was attended by hundreds of thousands of mourning people.
The assassination of Massoud is believed to have a connection to the September 11 attacks on US soil, which killed nearly 3000 people, and which appeared to be the terrorist attack that Massoud had warned against in his speech to the European Parliament several months earlier. John P. O'Neill was a counter-terrorism expert and the Assistant Director of the FBI until late 2001. He retired from the FBI and was offered the position of director of security at the World Trade Center (WTC). He took the job at the WTC two weeks before 9/11. On 10 September 2001, O'Neill told two of his friends, "We're due. And we're due for something big. ... Some things have happened in Afghanistan. [referring to the assassination of Massoud] I don't like the way things are lining up in Afghanistan. ... I sense a shift, and I think things are going to happen ... soon." O'Neill died on 11 September 2001, when the South Tower collapsed.
After 9/11, Massoud's United Front troops and United Front troops of Abdul Rashid Dostum (who returned from exile) ousted the Taliban from power in Kabul with American air support in Operation Enduring Freedom. From October to December 2001, the United Front gained control of much of the country and played a crucial role in establishing the post-Taliban interim government under Hamid Karzai.
US-led overthrow of Taliban Government and further battle against Taliban
On 20 September 2001, US president George W. Bush, speaking to a joint session of Congress, tentatively blamed Al-Qaeda for the 11 September attacks, stating that the "leadership of Al Qaeda ha[d] great influence in Afghanistan and support[ed] the Taliban regime in controlling most of that country". Bush said, "We condemn the Taliban regime", and went on to state, "Tonight the United States of America makes the following demands on the Taliban", which he said were "not open to negotiation or discussion":
- Deliver to the US all of the leaders of Al-Qaeda
- Release all foreign nationals that have been unjustly imprisoned
- Protect foreign journalists, diplomats, and aid workers
- Close immediately every terrorist training camp
- Hand over every terrorist and their supporters to appropriate authorities
- Give the United States full access to terrorist training camps for inspection
The US petitioned the international community to back a military campaign to overthrow the Taliban. The UN issued two resolutions on terrorism after the 11 September attacks. The resolutions called on all states to "[increase] cooperation and full implementation of the relevant international conventions relating to terrorism" and specified consensus recommendations for all countries. According to a research briefing by the House of Commons Library, although the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) did not authorise the U.S.-led military campaign, it was "widely (although not universally) perceived to be a legitimate form of self-defense under the UN Charter", and the council "moved quickly to authorize a military operation to stabilize the country" in the wake of the invasion. Moreover, on 12 September 2001, NATO approved a campaign against Afghanistan as self-defense against armed attack.
The Taliban ambassador to Pakistan, Abdul Salem Zaeef, responded to the ultimatum by demanding "convincing evidence" that Bin Laden was involved in the attacks, stating "our position is that if America has evidence and proof, they should produce it". Additionally, the Taliban insisted that any trial of Bin Laden be held in an Afghan court. Zaeef also claimed that "4,000 Jews working in the Trade Center had prior knowledge of the suicide missions, and 'were absent on that day'." This response was generally dismissed as a delaying tactic, rather than a sincere attempt to cooperate with the ultimatum. [check quotation syntax] On 22 September, the United Arab Emirates, and later Saudi Arabia, withdrew recognition of the Taliban as Afghanistan's legal government, leaving neighbouring Pakistan as the only remaining country with diplomatic ties. On 4 October, the Taliban agreed to turn bin Laden over to Pakistan for trial in an international tribunal that operated according to Islamic Sharia law, but Pakistan blocked the offer as it was not possible to guarantee his safety. On 7 October, the Taliban ambassador to Pakistan offered to detain bin Laden and try him under Islamic law if the US made a formal request and presented the Taliban with evidence. A Bush administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, rejected the Taliban offer, and stated that the US would not negotiate their demands.
On 7 October, less than one month after the 11 September attacks, the US, aided by the United Kingdom, Canada, and other countries including several from the NATO alliance, initiated military action, bombing Taliban and Al-Qaeda-related camps. The stated intent of military operations was to remove the Taliban from power, and prevent the use of Afghanistan as a terrorist base of operations.
The CIA's elite Special Activities Division (SAD) units were the first US forces to enter Afghanistan (many different countries' intelligence agencies were on the ground or operating within theatre before SAD, and SAD are not technically military forces, but civilian paramilitaries). They joined with the Afghan United Front (Northern Alliance) to prepare for the subsequent arrival of US Special Operations forces. The United Front (Northern Alliance) and SAD and Special Forces combined to overthrow the Taliban with minimal coalition casualties, and without the use of international conventional ground forces. The Washington Post stated in an editorial by John Lehman in 2006:
What made the Afghan campaign a landmark in the US Military's history is that it was prosecuted by Special Operations forces from all the services, along with Navy and Air Force tactical power, operations by the Afghan Northern Alliance and the CIA were equally important and fully integrated. No large Army or Marine force was employed.
On 14 October, the Taliban offered to discuss handing over Osama bin Laden to a neutral country in return for a bombing halt, but only if the Taliban were given evidence of bin Laden's involvement. The US rejected this offer, and continued military operations. Mazar-i-Sharif fell to United Front troops of Ustad Atta Mohammad Noor and Abdul Rashid Dostum on 9 November, triggering a cascade of provinces falling with minimal resistance.
In November 2001, before the capture of Kunduz by United Front troops under the command of Mohammad Daud Daud, thousands of top commanders and regular fighters of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence agents and military personnel, and other volunteers and sympathizers in the Kunduz airlift, dubbed the Airlift of Evil by US military forces around Kunduz and subsequently used as a term in media reports, were evacuated and airlifted out of Kunduz by Pakistan Army cargo aircraft to Pakistan Air Force air bases in Chitral and Gilgit in Pakistan's Northern Areas.
On the night of 12 November, the Taliban retreated south from Kabul. On 15 November, they released eight Western aid workers after three months in captivity. By 13 November, the Taliban had withdrawn from both Kabul and Jalalabad. Finally, in early December, the Taliban gave up Kandahar, their last stronghold, dispersing without surrendering.
The United States has conducted targeted killings against Taliban leaders, mainly using Special Forces, and sometimes unmanned aerial vehicles. British forces also used similar tactics, mostly in Helmand Province, Afghanistan. During Operation Herrick, British special forces assassinated at least fifty high and local Taliban commanders in targeted killings in Helmand Province.
The Taliban also used targeted killings. In 2011 alone, they killed notable anti-Taliban leaders, such as former Afghan President Burhanuddin Rabbani, the police chief in northern Afghanistan, the commander of the elite anti-Taliban 303 Pamir Corps, Mohammad Daud Daud, and the police chief of Kunduz, Abdul Rahman Saidkhaili. All of them belonged to the Massoud faction of the United Front. According to Guantanamo Bay charge sheets, the United States Department of Defense believes the Taliban may maintain a 40-man undercover unit called "Jihad Kandahar", which is used for undercover operations, including targeted killings.
Taliban resurgence after 2001
With the fall of Kabul to anti-Taliban forces in November 2001, ISI forces worked with and helped Taliban militias who were in full retreat. In November 2001, Taliban, Al-Qaeda combatants and ISI operatives were safely evacuated from Kunduz on Pakistan Army cargo aircraft to Pakistan Air Force bases in Chitral and Gilgit in Pakistan's Northern Areas (see Kunduz airlift). Former Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf wrote in his memoirs that Richard Armitage, the former US deputy secretary of state, said Pakistan would be "bombed back to the stone-age" if it continued to support the Taliban, although Armitage has since denied using the "stone age" phrase.
In May and June 2003, high Taliban officials proclaimed the Taliban regrouped and ready for guerrilla war to expel US forces from Afghanistan. In late 2004, the then hidden Taliban leader Mohammed Omar announced an insurgency against "America and its puppets" (i.e. transitional Afghan government forces) to "regain the sovereignty of our country".
On 29 May 2006, while according to American website The Spokesman-Review Afghanistan faced "a mounting threat from armed Taliban fighters in the countryside", a US military truck of a convoy in Kabul lost control and plowed into twelve civilian vehicles, killing one and injuring six people. The surrounding crowd got angry and a riot arose, lasting all day ending with 20 dead and 160 injured. When stone-throwing and gunfire had come from a crowd of some 400 men, the US troops had used their weapons "to defend themselves" while leaving the scene, a US military spokesman said. A correspondent for the Financial Times in Kabul suggested that this was the outbreak of "a ground swell of resentment" and "growing hostility to foreigners" that had been growing and building since 2004, and may also have been triggered by a US air strike a week earlier in southern Afghanistan killing 30 civilians, where she assumed that "the Taliban had been sheltering in civilian houses".
The continued support from tribal and other groups in Pakistan, the drug trade, and the small number of NATO forces, combined with the long history of resistance and isolation, indicated that Taliban forces and leaders were surviving. Suicide attacks and other terrorist methods not used in 2001 became more common. Observers suggested that poppy eradication, which hurts the livelihoods of those Afghans who have resorted to their production, and civilian deaths caused by airstrikes abetted the resurgence. These observers maintained that policy should focus on "hearts and minds" and on economic reconstruction, which could profit from switching from interdicting to diverting poppy production—to make medicine.
Other commentators viewed Islamabad's shift from war to diplomacy as an effort to appease growing discontent. Because of the Taliban's leadership structure, Mullah Dadullah's assassination in May 2007 did not have a significant effect, other than to damage incipient relations with Pakistan.
On 8 February 2009, US commander of operations in Afghanistan General Stanley McChrystal and other officials said that the Taliban leadership was in Quetta, Pakistan. By 2009, a strong insurgency had coalesced, known as Operation Al Faath, the Arabic word for "victory" taken from the Koran, in the form of a guerrilla war. The Pashtun tribal group, with over 40 million members (including Afghans and Pakistanis) had a long history of resistance to occupation forces, so the Taliban may have comprised only a part of the insurgency. Most post-invasion Taliban fighters were new recruits, mostly drawn from local madrasas.
In December 2009, Asia Times Online reported that the Taliban had offered to give the US "legal guarantees" that it would not allow Afghanistan to be used for attacks on other countries, and that the US had given no response.
As of July 2016, the US Time magazine estimated 20% of Afghanistan to be under Taliban control with southernmost Helmand Province as their stronghold, while US and international Resolute Support coalition commanding General Nicholson in December 2016 likewise stated that 10% was in Taliban hands while another 26% of Afghanistan was contested between the Afghan government and various insurgency groups.
On 29 May 2020, it was reported that Mullah Omar's son Mullah Mohammad Yaqoob was now acting as leader of the Taliban after numerous Quetta Shura members where infected with COVID-19. It was previously confirmed on 7 May 2020 that Yaqoob had become head of the Taliban military commission, making him the insurgents' military chief. Among those infected in the Quetta Shura, which continued to hold in-person meetings, were Hibatullah and Sirajuddin Haqqani.
Condemned Taliban practices
According to a 55-page report by the United Nations, the Taliban, while trying to consolidate control over northern and western Afghanistan, committed systematic massacres against civilians. UN officials stated that there had been "15 massacres" between 1996 and 2001. They also said, that "[t]hese have been highly systematic and they all lead back to the [Taliban] Ministry of Defense or to Mullah Omar himself." "These are the same type of war crimes as were committed in Bosnia and should be prosecuted in international courts", one UN official was quoted as saying. The documents also reveal the role of Arab and Pakistani support troops in these killings. Bin Laden's so-called 055 Brigade was responsible for mass-killings of Afghan civilians. The report by the United Nations quotes "eyewitnesses in many villages describing Arab fighters carrying long knives used for slitting throats and skinning people". The Taliban's former ambassador to Pakistan, Mullah Abdul Salam Zaeef, in late 2011 stated that cruel behaviour under and by the Taliban had been "necessary".
In 1998, the United Nations accused the Taliban of denying emergency food by the UN's World Food Programme to 160,000 hungry and starving people "for political and military reasons". The UN said the Taliban were starving people for their military agenda and using humanitarian assistance as a weapon of war.
On 8 August 1998 the Taliban launched an attack on Mazar-i Sharif. Of 1500 defenders only 100 survived the engagement. Once in control the Taliban began to kill people indiscriminately. At first shooting people in the street, they soon began to target Hazaras. Women were raped, and thousands of people were locked in containers and left to suffocate. This ethnic cleansing left an estimated 5,000 to 6,000 dead. At this time ten Iranian diplomats and a journalist were killed. Iran assumed the Taliban had murdered them, and mobilised its army, deploying men along the border with Afghanistan. By the middle of September there were 250,000 Iranian personnel stationed on the border. Pakistan mediated and the bodies were returned to Tehran towards the end of the month. The killings of the Diplomats had been carried out by Sipah-e-Sahaba a Pakistani Sunni group with close ties to the ISI. They burned orchards, crops and destroyed irrigation systems, and forced more than 100,000 people from their homes with hundreds of men, women and children still unaccounted for.
In a major effort to retake the Shomali Plains to the north of Kabul from the United Front, the Taliban indiscriminately killed civilians, while uprooting and expelling the population. Among others, Kamal Hossein, a special reporter for the UN, reported on these and other war crimes. In Istalif, a town famous for handmade potteries and which was home to more than 45,000 people, the Taliban gave 24 hours' notice to the population to leave, then completely razed the town leaving the people destitute.
In 1999 the town of Bamian was taken, hundreds of men, women and children were executed. Houses were razed and some were used for forced labour. There was a further massacre at the town of Yakaolang in January 2001. An estimated 300 people were murdered, along with two delegations of Hazara elders who had tried to intercede.
By 1999, the Taliban had forced hundreds of thousands of people from the Shomali Plains and other regions conducting a policy of scorched earth burning homes, farm land and gardens.
Several Taliban and al-Qaeda commanders ran a network of human trafficking, abducting women and selling them into sex slavery in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Time magazine writes: "The Taliban often argued that the restrictions they placed on women were actually a way of revering and protecting the opposite sex. The behavior of the Taliban during the six years they expanded their rule in Afghanistan made a mockery of that claim."
The targets for human trafficking were especially women from the Tajik, Uzbek, Hazara and other ethnic groups in Afghanistan. Some women preferred to commit suicide over slavery, killing themselves. During one Taliban and al-Qaeda offensive in 1999 in the Shomali Plains alone, more than 600 women were kidnapped. Arab and Pakistani al-Qaeda militants with local Taliban forces, forced them into trucks and buses. Time magazine writes: "The trail of the missing Shomali women leads to Jalalabad, not far from the Pakistan border. There, according to eyewitnesses, the women were penned up inside Sar Shahi camp in the desert. The more desirable among them were selected and taken away. Some were trucked to Peshawar with the apparent complicity of Pakistani border guards. Others were taken to Khost, where bin Laden had several training camps." Officials from relief agencies say, the trail of many of the vanished women leads to Pakistan where they were sold to brothels or into private households to be kept as slaves.
Not all Taliban commanders engaged in human trafficking. Many Taliban were opposed to the human trafficking operations conducted by al-Qaeda and other Taliban commanders. Nuruludah, a Taliban commander, is quoted as saying that in the Shomali Plains, he and 10 of his men freed some women who were being abducted by Pakistani members of al-Qaeda. In Jalalabad, local Taliban commanders freed women that were being held by Arab members of al-Qaeda in a camp.
Oppression of women
— Physicians for Human Rights, 1998
Brutal repression of women was widespread under the Taliban and faced significant international condemnation. Abuses were myriad and violently enforced by the religious police. For example, the Taliban issued edicts forbidding women from being educated, forcing girls to leave schools and colleges. Women leaving their houses were required to be accompanied by a male relative and were obligated to wear the burqa, a traditional dress covering the entire body except for a small slit to see out of. Those accused of disobeying were publicly beaten. In one instance, a young woman named Sohaila was charged with adultery after walking with a man who was not a relative; she was publicly flogged in Ghazi Stadium, receiving 100 lashes. Female employment was restricted to the medical sector, where male medical personnel were prohibited from treating women and girls. This extensive ban on the employment of women further resulted in the widespread closure of primary schools, as almost all teachers prior to the Taliban's rise had been women, further restricting access to education not only to girls but also to boys. Restrictions became especially severe after the Taliban took control of the capital. In February 1998, for instance, religious police forced all women off the streets of Kabul and issued new regulations ordering people to blacken their windows so that women would not be visible from outside.
Violence against Afghan civilians
According to Human Rights Watch, the Taliban's bombings and other attacks which have led to civilian casualties "sharply escalated in 2006" when "at least 669 Afghan civilians were killed in at least 350 armed attacks, most of which appear to have been intentionally launched at non-combatants."
The United Nations reported that the number of civilians killed by both the Taliban and pro-government forces in the war rose nearly 50% between 2007 and 2009. The high number of civilians killed by the Taliban is blamed in part on their increasing use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs), "for instance, 16 IEDs have been planted in girls' schools" by the Taliban.
In 2009, Colonel Richard Kemp, formerly Commander of British forces in Afghanistan and the intelligence coordinator for the British government, drew parallels between the tactics and strategy of Hamas in Gaza to those of the Taliban. Kemp wrote:
Like Hamas in Gaza, the Taliban in southern Afghanistan are masters at shielding themselves behind the civilian population and then melting in among them for protection. Women and children are trained and equipped to fight, collect intelligence, and ferry arms and ammunition between battles. Female suicide bombers are increasingly common. The use of women to shield gunmen as they engage NATO forces is now so normal it is deemed barely worthy of comment. Schools and houses are routinely booby-trapped. Snipers shelter in houses deliberately filled with women and children.— Richard Kemp, Commander of British forces in Afghanistan
Violence against aid workers and Christians
Taliban between 2008 and 2012 several times claimed to have assassinated Western and Afghani medical or aid workers in Afghanistan, either for fear of the vaccination of children against polio, or for suspicion that the 'medical workers' were in truth spies, or for suspecting them to be proselytising Christianity.
In August 2008, three Western women (British, Canadian, US) working for aid group 'International Rescue Committee' were murdered in Kabul. Taliban claimed to have killed them because they were foreign spies. In October 2008, the British woman Gayle Williams working for Christian UK charity 'Serve Afghanistan' – focusing on training and education for disabled persons – was murdered near Kabul. Taliban claimed they killed her because her organisation "was preaching Christianity in Afghanistan". In all 2008 until October, 29 aid workers, 5 of whom non-Afghanis, were killed in Afghanistan.
In August 2010, the Taliban claimed to have murdered 10 medical aid workers passing through Badakhshan Province on the way from Kabul to Nuristan Province — but also Afghan Islamic party/militia Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin has claimed those killings. The victims were six Americans, one Briton, one German and two Afghanis, working for self-proclaimed "non-profit, Christian organization" called 'International Assistance Mission'. Taliban said they murdered them because of proselytising Christianity, having Bibles translated in Dari language in their possession when they were encountered. IAM contended afterwards that they "were not missionaries".
In December 2012, unidentified gunmen killed four female UN polio-workers in Karachi in Pakistan; Western news media suggested a connection with the outspoken Taliban objections against and suspicions about such 'polio vaccinations'. Eventually in 2012, a Pakistani Taliban commander in North Waziristan in Pakistan banned polio vaccinations, and in March 2013, the Afghan government was forced to suspend vaccination efforts from the Nuristan Province because of a large Taliban influence in the province. However, in May 2013, Taliban leaders changed their stance on polio vaccination, saying the vaccine is the only way to prevent polio and that they would work with immunisation volunteers so long as polio workers are "unbiased" and "harmonised with the regional conditions, Islamic values and local cultural traditions."
Ban on entertainment and recreational activities
During the Taliban rule of 1996–2001, they banned many recreational activities and games, such as football, kite flying, and chess. General entertainment such as televisions, cinemas, music, VCRs and satellite dishes were also banned. It has been reported that when children were caught kiting, a highly popular activity among Afghan children, they would have gotten beaten.
|Part of a series on:|
The Taliban's ideology has been described as an "innovative form of sharia combining Pashtun tribal codes," or Pashtunwali, with radical Deobandi interpretations of Islam favoured by JUI and its splinter groups. Also contributing to the mix was the militant Islamism and extremist jihadism of Osama bin Laden. Their ideology was a departure from the Islamism of the anti-Soviet mujahideen rulers[clarification needed] they replaced who tended to be mystical Sufis, traditionalists,[clarification needed] or radical Islamism[clarification needed] inspired by the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan).
According to journalist Ahmed Rashid, at least in the first years of their rule, the Taliban adopted Deobandi and Islamist anti-nationalist beliefs, and opposed "tribal and feudal structures," eliminating traditional tribal or feudal leaders from leadership roles.
The Taliban strictly enforced their ideology in major cities like Herat, Kabul, and Kandahar. But in rural areas the Taliban had little direct control, and promoted village jirgas, so it did not enforce its ideology as stringently in rural areas.
(Deobandi) Islamic rules
The Taliban regime interpreted the Sharia law in accordance with the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence and the religious edicts of Mullah Omar. The Taliban forbade pork and alcohol, many types of consumer technology such as music, television, filming, and the Internet, as well as most forms of art such as paintings or photography, male and female participation in sport, including football and chess; recreational activities such as kite-flying and keeping pigeons or other pets were also forbidden, and the birds were killed according to the Taliban's ruling. Movie theatres were closed and repurposed as mosques. Celebration of the Western and Iranian New Year was forbidden. Taking photographs and displaying pictures or portraits was forbidden, as it was considered by the Taliban as a form of idolatry. Women were banned from working, girls were forbidden to attend schools or universities, were requested to observe purdah and to be accompanied outside their households by male relatives; those who violated these restrictions were punished. Men were forbidden to shave their beards and required to let them grow and keep them long according to the Taliban's liking, and to wear turbans outside their households. Prayer was made compulsory and those who didn't respect the religious obligation after the azaan were arrested. Gambling was banned, and thieves were punished by amputating their hands or feet. In 2000, the Taliban leader Mullah Omar officially banned opium cultivation and drug trafficking in Afghanistan; the Talibans succeeded in nearly eradicating the majority of the opium production (99%) by 2001. Under the Taliban governance of Afghanistan, both drug users and dealers were severely prosecuted.
The Taliban emphasised dreams as a means of revelation. Like Wahhabis and other Deobandis, the Taliban do not consider Shiites to be Muslims. The Shia in Afghanistan consist mostly of the Hazara ethnic group, which totalled almost 10% of Afghanistan's population and were persecuted during Taliban rule. However, a few Shiite Islamists did support Taliban rule, such as Ustad Muhammad Akbari. In recent years, the Taliban have attempted to court Shiites, appointing a Shiite cleric as a regional governor and recruiting Hazaras to fight against ISIL-KP, in order to distance themselves from their past sectarian reputation and improve relations with the Shiite government of Iran.
Along with Shiite Muslims, the small Christian community was also persecuted by the Taliban. The Taliban announced in May 2001 that it would enforce badges on Afghanistan's Hindu population, which has been compared to the treatment of Jews in Nazi Germany. The Sikhs of Afghanistan were generally more tolerated by the Taliban compared to Shiites, Hindus and Christians. The last remaining Jews of Afghanistan during their rule, Zablon Simintov and Isaac Levy, both spent time in prison for continuous "arguing" but were later released from prison when Taliban officials became annoyed with their arguing.
Pashtun cultural influences
The Taliban frequently used the pre-Islamic Pashtun tribal code, Pashtunwali, in deciding certain social matters. Such is the case with the Pashtun practice of dividing inheritances equally among sons, even though the Qur'an clearly states that women are to receive one-half a man's share.
According to Ali A. Jalali and Lester Grau, the Taliban "received extensive support from Pashtuns across the country who thought that the movement might restore their national dominance. Even Pashtun intellectuals in the West, who differed with the Taliban on many issues, expressed support for the movement on purely ethnic grounds."
In 1999, Mullah Omar issued a decree protecting the Buddha statues at Bamyan, two 6th-century monumental statues of standing buddhas carved into the side of a cliff in the Bamyan valley in the Hazarajat region of central Afghanistan. But in March 2001, the statues were destroyed by the Taliban of Mullah Omar, following a decree stating: "all the statues around Afghanistan must be destroyed."
Yahya Massoud, brother of the anti-Taliban and resistance leader Ahmad Shah Massoud, recalls the following incident after the destruction of the Buddha statues at Bamyan:
It was the spring of 2001. I was in Afghanistan's Panjshir Valley, together with my brother Ahmad Shah Massoud, the leader of the Afghan resistance against the Taliban, and Bismillah Khan, who currently serves as Afghanistan's interior minister. One of our commanders, Commandant Momin, wanted us to see 30 Taliban fighters who had been taken hostage after a gun battle. My brother agreed to meet them. I remember that his first question concerned the centuries-old Buddha statues that were dynamited by the Taliban in March of that year, shortly before our encounter. Two Taliban combatants from Kandahar confidently responded that worshiping anything outside of Islam was unacceptable and that therefore these statues had to be destroyed. My brother looked at them and said, this time in Pashto, 'There are still many sun- worshippers in this country. Will you also try to get rid of the sun and drop darkness over the Earth?'
The Taliban ideology was not static. Before its capture of Kabul, members of the Taliban talked about stepping aside once a government of "good Muslims" took power and law and order were restored. The decision making process of the Taliban in Kandahar was modelled on the Pashtun tribal council (jirga), together with what was believed to be the early Islamic model. Discussion was followed by a building of a consensus by the believers.
As the Taliban's power grew, decisions were made by Mullah Omar without consulting the jirga and without Omar's visits to other parts of the country. He visited the capital, Kabul, only twice while in power. Taliban spokesman Mullah Wakil explained:
Decisions are based on the advice of the Amir-ul Momineen. For us consultation is not necessary. We believe that this is in line with the Sharia. We abide by the Amir's view even if he alone takes this view. There will not be a head of state. Instead there will be an Amir al-Mu'minin. Mullah Omar will be the highest authority and the government will not be able to implement any decision to which he does not agree. General elections are incompatible with Sharia and therefore we reject them.
Explanation of ideology
The author Ahmed Rashid suggests that the devastation and hardship of the Soviet invasion and the following period influenced Taliban ideology. It is said that the Taliban did not include scholars learned in Islamic law and history. The refugee students, brought up in a totally male society, not only had no education in mathematics, science, history or geography, but also had no traditional skills of farming, herding, or handicraft-making, nor even knowledge of their tribal and clan lineages. In such an environment, war meant employment, peace meant unemployment. Dominating women simply affirmed manhood. For their leadership, rigid fundamentalism was a matter not only of principle, but also of political survival. Taliban leaders "repeatedly told" Rashid that "if they gave women greater freedom or a chance to go to school, they would lose the support of their rank and file."
Mullah Omar was criticised for calling himself Amir al-Mu'minin on the grounds that he lacked scholarly learning, tribal pedigree, or connections to the Prophet's family. Sanction for the title traditionally required the support of all of the country's ulema, whereas only some 1,200 Pashtun Taliban-supporting Mullahs had declared Omar the Amir. According to Ahmed Rashid, "no Afghan had adopted the title since 1834, when King Dost Mohammed Khan assumed the title before he declared jihad against the Sikh kingdom in Peshawar. But Dost Mohammed was fighting foreigners, while Omar had declared jihad against other Afghans."
Taliban have been compared to the 7th-century Kharijites for developing extreme doctrines that set them apart from both mainstream Sunni and Shiʿa Muslims. The Kharijites were particularly noted for adopting a radical approach to takfir, whereby they declared other Muslims to be unbelievers and therefore deemed them worthy of death.
In particular the Taliban have been accused of takfir towards Shia. After the August 1998 slaughter of 8000 mostly Shia Hazaras non-combatants at Mazar-i-Sharif, Mullah Niazi, the Taliban commander of the attack and the new governor of Mazar, declared from Mazar's central mosque:
Last year you rebelled against us and killed us. From all your homes you shot at us. Now we are here to deal with you. The Hazaras are not Muslims and now have to kill Hazaras. You either accept to be Muslims or leave Afghanistan. Wherever you go we will catch you. If you go up we will pull you down by your feet; if you hide below, we will pull you up by your hair.
Until his death in 2013, Mullah Mohammed Omar was the supreme commander of the Taliban. Mullah Akhtar Mansour was elected as his replacement in 2015, and following Mansour's killing in a May 2016 US drone strike, Mawlawi Hibatullah Akhundzada became the group's leader.
The Taliban initially enjoyed goodwill from Afghans weary of the warlords' corruption, brutality, and incessant fighting. This popularity was not universal, particularly among non-Pashtuns.
In 2001, the Taliban, de jure, controlled 85% of Afghanistan. De facto the areas under its direct control were mainly Afghanistan's major cities and highways. Tribal khans and warlords had de facto direct control over various small towns, villages, and rural areas.
The Sharia does not allow politics or political parties. That is why we give no salaries to officials or soldiers, just food, clothes, shoes, and weapons. We want to live a life like the Prophet lived 1400 years ago, and jihad is our right. We want to recreate the time of the Prophet, and we are only carrying out what the Afghan people have wanted for the past 14 years.
They modelled their decision-making process on the Pashtun tribal council (jirga), together with what they believed to be the early Islamic model. Discussion was followed by a building of a consensus by the "believers". Before capturing Kabul, there was talk of stepping aside once a government of "good Muslims" took power, and law and order were restored.
As the Taliban's power grew, decisions were made by Mullah Omar without consulting the jirga and without consulting other parts of the country. He visited the capital, Kabul, only twice while in power. Instead of an election, their leader's legitimacy came from an oath of allegiance ("Bay'ah"), in imitation of the Prophet and the first four Caliphs. On 4 April 1996, Mullah Omar had "the Cloak of the Prophet Mohammed" taken from its shrine for the first time in 60 years. Wrapping himself in the relic, he appeared on the roof of a building in the center of Kandahar while hundreds of Pashtun mullahs below shouted "Amir al-Mu'minin!" (Commander of the Faithful), in a pledge of support. Taliban spokesman Mullah Wakil explained:
Decisions are based on the advice of the Amir-ul Momineen. For us consultation is not necessary. We believe that this is in line with the Sharia. We abide by the Amir's view even if he alone takes this view. There will not be a head of state. Instead there will be an Amir al-Mu'minin. Mullah Omar will be the highest authority, and the government will not be able to implement any decision to which he does not agree. General elections are incompatible with Sharia and therefore we reject them.
The Taliban were very reluctant to share power, and since their ranks were overwhelmingly Pashtun they ruled as overlords over the 60% of Afghans from other ethnic groups. In local government, such as Kabul city council or Herat, Taliban loyalists, not locals, dominated, even when the Pashto-speaking Taliban could not communicate with the roughly half of the population who spoke Dari or other non-Pashtun tongues. Critics complained that this "lack of local representation in urban administration made the Taliban appear as an occupying force."
Consistent with the governance of early Muslims was the absence of state institutions or "a methodology for command and control" that is standard today even among non-Westernized states. The Taliban did not issue press releases, policy statements, or hold regular press conferences. The outside world and most Afghans did not even know what their leaders looked like, since photography was banned. The "regular army" resembled a lashkar or traditional tribal militia force with only 25,000 men (of whom 11,000 were non-Afghans).
Cabinet ministers and deputies were mullahs with a "madrasah education." Several of them, such as the Minister of Health and Governor of the State bank, were primarily military commanders who left their administrative posts to fight when needed. Military reverses that trapped them behind lines or led to their deaths increased the chaos in the national administration. At the national level, "all senior Tajik, Uzbek and Hazara bureaucrats" were replaced "with Pashtuns, whether qualified or not." Consequently, the ministries "by and large ceased to function."
The Ministry of Finance had neither a budget nor "qualified economist or banker." Mullah Omar collected and dispersed cash without bookkeeping.
According to the testimony of Guantanamo captives before their Combatant Status Review Tribunals, the Taliban, in addition to conscripting men to serve as soldiers, also conscripted men to staff its civil service.
The Kabul money markets responded positively during the first weeks of the Taliban occupation (1996). But the Afghani soon fell in value. They imposed a 50% tax on any company operating in the country, and those who failed to pay were attacked. They also imposed a 6% import tax on anything brought into the country, and by 1998 had control of the major airports and border crossings which allowed them to establish a monopoly on all trade. By 2001 the per capita income of the 25 million population was under $200, and the country was close to total economic collapse. As of 2007 the economy had begun to recover, with estimated foreign reserves of three billion dollars and a 13% increase in economic growth.
Under the Transit treaty between Afghanistan and Pakistan a massive network for smuggling developed. It had an estimated turnover of 2.5 billion dollars with the Taliban receiving between $100 and $130 million per year. These operations along with the trade from the Golden Crescent financed the war in Afghanistan and also had the side effect of destroying start up industries in Pakistan. Ahmed Rashid also explained that the Afghan Transit Trade agreed on by Pakistan was "the largest official source of revenue for the Taliban."
Between 1996 and 1999 Mullah Omar reversed his opinions on the drug trade, apparently as it only harmed kafirs. The Taliban controlled 96% of Afghanistan's poppy fields and made opium its largest source of taxation. Taxes on opium exports became one of the mainstays of Taliban income and their war economy. According to Rashid, "drug money funded the weapons, ammunition and fuel for the war." In The New York Times, the Finance Minister of the United Front, Wahidullah Sabawoon, declared the Taliban had no annual budget but that they "appeared to spend US$300 million a year, nearly all of it on war." He added that the Taliban had come to increasingly rely on three sources of money: "poppy, the Pakistanis and bin Laden."
In an economic sense it seems he had little choice, as the war of attrition continued with the Northern Alliance the income from continued opium production was all that prevented the country from starvation. By 2000 Afghanistan accounted for an estimated 75% of the world's supply and in 2000 grew an estimated 3276 tonnes of opium from poppy cultivation on 82,171 hectares. At this juncture Omar passed a decree banning the cultivation of opium, and production dropped to an estimated 74 metric tonnes from poppy cultivation on 1,685 hectares. Many observers say the ban – which came in a bid for international recognition at the United Nations – was only issued in order to raise opium prices and increase profit from the sale of large existing stockpiles. 1999 had yielded a record crop and had been followed by a lower but still large 2000 harvest. The trafficking of accumulated stocks by the Taliban continued in 2000 and 2001. In 2002, the UN mentioned the "existence of significant stocks of opiates accumulated during previous years of bumper harvests." In September 2001 – before the 11 September attacks against the United States – the Taliban allegedly authorised Afghan peasants to sow opium again.
There was also an environmental toll to the country, heavy deforestation from the illegal trade in timber with hundreds of acres of pine and cedar forests in Kunar Province and Paktya being cleared. Throughout the country millions of acres were denuded to supply timber to the Pakistani markets, with no attempt made at reforestation, which has led to significant environmental damage. By 2001, when the Afghan Interim Administration took power the country's infrastructure was in ruins, Telecommunications had failed, the road network was destroyed and Ministry of Finance buildings were in such a state of disrepair some were on the verge of collapse. On 6 July 1999 then president Bill Clinton signed into effect executive order 13129. This order implemented a complete ban on any trade between America and the Taliban regime and on 10 August they froze £5000,000 in Ariana assets. On 19 December 2000 UN resolution 1333 was passed. It called for all assets to be frozen and for all states to close any offices belonging to the Taliban. This included the offices of Ariana Afghan Airlines. In 1999 the UN had passed resolution 1267 which had banned all international flights by Ariana apart from preapproved humanitarian missions.
According to former US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, "Saudi Arabia remains a critical financial support base for al-Qaida, the Taliban, LeT and other terrorist groups... Donors in Saudi Arabia constitute the most significant source of funding to Sunni terrorist groups worldwide." Former CIA director James Woolsey described it as "the soil in which Al-Qaeda and its sister terrorist organizations are flourishing."
According to the lawsuit, filed in December 2019 in the D.C. District Court on behalf of Gold Star families, some U.S. defense contractors involved in Afghanistan made illegal "protection payments" to the Taliban, funding a "Taliban-led terrorist insurgency" that killed or wounded thousands of Americans in Afghanistan. In 2009, then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the "protection money" was "one of the major sources of funding for the Taliban."
During its time in power (1996–2001), at its height ruling 90% of Afghanistan, the Taliban regime, or "Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan", gained diplomatic recognition from only three states: the United Arab Emirates, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia, all of which provided substantial aid. The other nations, including the United Nations, recognised the government of the Islamic State of Afghanistan (1992–2002) (parts of whom were part of the United Front, also called Northern Alliance) as the legitimate government of Afghanistan. Regarding its relations with the rest of the world, the Taliban's Emirate of Afghanistan held a policy of isolationism: "The Taliban believe in non-interference in the affairs of other countries and similarly desire no outside interference in their country's internal affairs".
While China has been supporting the new government in Kabul both financially and politically, it is believed to have unofficial relations with the Taliban Government according to Malek Setiz, international relations adviser to the Foreign Ministry of Afghanistan. Beijing's foreign ministry did not deny such interactions.
India did not recognise the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and instead maintained close strategic and military ties with the Northern Alliance so as to contain the rise of Taliban during the 1990s. India was one of the closest allies of former Afghan president Mohammad Najibullah and strongly condemned his public execution by the Taliban. Pakistan and Kashmir-based militant groups thought to have ties with the Taliban have historically been involved in the Kashmir insurgency targeted against Indian security forces.
In December 1999, Indian Airlines Flight 814 en route from Kathmandu to Delhi was hijacked and taken to Kandahar. The Taliban moved its militias near the hijacked aircraft, supposedly to prevent Indian special forces from storming the aircraft, and stalled the negotiations between India and the hijackers for days. The New York Times later reported that there were credible links between the hijackers and the Taliban. As a part of the deal to free the plane, India released three militants. The Taliban gave a safe passage to the hijackers and the released militants.
Following the hijacking, India drastically increased its efforts to help Massoud, providing an arms depot in Dushanbe, Tajikistan. India also provided a wide range of high-altitude warfare equipment, helicopter technicians, medical services, and tactical advice. According to one report, Indian military support to anti-Taliban forces totalled US$70 million, including five Mil Mi-17 helicopters, and US$8 million worth of high-altitude equipment in 2001. India extensively supported the new administration in Afghanistan, leading several reconstruction projects and by 2001 had emerged as the country's largest regional donor.
In the wake of terrorist attacks in India, there have been growing concerns about fundamentalist organisations such as the Taliban seeking to expand their activities into India. During the 2011 ICC Cricket World Cup which was co-hosted in India, Pakistani Interior Minister Rehman Malik and Interpol chief Ronald Noble revealed that a terrorist bid to disrupt the tournament had been foiled; following a conference with Noble, Malik said that the Taliban had begun to base their activities in India with reports from neighbouring countries exposing their activities in the country and a Sri Lankan terrorist planning to target cricketers was arrested in Colombo. In 2009, the Times of India called for India to reassess its Taliban threat.
In 2012, Taliban said that they want to have cordial relations with India, and praised India for resisting the U.S. calls for more military involvement in Afghanistan.
In 2020, the Taliban described the Kashmir conflict as a "domestic issue of other countries" that the movement did not seek to interfere in, reversing its past ardent opposition to Indian presence in Kashmir.
Iran has historically been an enemy of the Taliban. In early August 1998, after attacking the city of Mazar-i-Sharif, Taliban forces killed several thousand civilians and 11 Iranian diplomats and intelligence officers in the Iranian consulate. Alleged radio intercepts indicate Mullah Omar personally approved the killings. In the following crisis between Iran and the Taliban, the Iranian government amassed up to 200,000 regular troops on the Afghan-Iranian border. War was eventually averted.
Many US senior military officials such as Robert Gates, Stanley McChrystal, David Petraeus and others believe that Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps nowadays is involved in helping the Taliban to a certain extent. Reports in which NATO states accused Iran of supplying and training some Taliban insurgents started coming forward since 2004/2005.
We did interdict a shipment, without question the Revolutionary Guard's core Quds Force, through a known Taliban facilitator. Three of the individuals were killed... 48 122 millimetre rockets were intercepted with their various components... Iranians certainly view as making life more difficult for us if Afghanistan is unstable. We don't have that kind of relationship with the Iranians. That's why I am particularly troubled by the interception of weapons coming from Iran. But we know that it's more than weapons; it's money; it's also according to some reports, training at Iranian camps as well.
There are several sources as well stating the relationship between the Taliban and Iran in recent years. This said to occur from leadership change in the Taliban itself, with Akhtar Mansoor particularly seeking to improve ties with Iran. Pro-Iran media outlets have also reported that the Taliban has included Shia Hazara fighters into its ranks. The Taliban have also condemned ISIS linked attacks on the Hazara Shia minority. In August 2019, The Washington Post reported that Iran's "relationship with the Taliban now spans the economic, security and political realms and is likely to grow as the Taliban asserts itself again."
Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman, leader of the Pakistani Islamic (Deobandi) political party Jamiat Ulema-e Islam (F) (JUI), was an ally of Benazir Bhutto, Pakistani prime minister in 1993–1996, and then had access to the Pakistani government, army and the ISI, whom he influenced to help the Taliban. The Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) has since 1994 heavily supported the Taliban, while the group conquered most of Afghanistan in 1994–98.
Human Rights Watch writes, "Pakistani aircraft assisted with troop rotations of Taliban forces during combat operations in late 2000 and ... senior members of Pakistan's intelligence agency and army were involved in planning military operations." Pakistan provided military equipment, recruiting assistance, training, and tactical advice. Officially Pakistan denied supporting the Taliban militarily.
Author Ahmed Rashid claims that the Taliban had "unprecedented access" among Pakistan's lobbies and interest groups. He also writes that they at times were able to "play off one lobby against another and extend their influence in Pakistan even further". By 1998–99, Taliban-style groups in Pakistan's Pashtun belt, and to an extent in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, "were banning TV and videos ... and forcing people, particularly women, to adapt to the Taliban dress code and way of life."
After the attacks of 11 September 2001, and the US operation in Afghanistan the Afghan Taliban leadership is claimed to have fled to Pakistan where they regrouped and created several shuras to coordinate their insurgency in Afghanistan.
Afghan officials implied the Pakistani ISI's involvement in a July 2008 Taliban attack on the Indian embassy. Numerous US officials have accused the ISI of supporting terrorist groups including the Afghan Taliban. US Defense Secretary Robert Gates and others suggest the ISI maintains links with groups like the Afghan Taliban as a "strategic hedge" to help Islamabad gain influence in Kabul once US troops exit the region. US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen in 2011 called the Haqqani network (the Afghan Taliban's most destructive element) a "veritable arm of Pakistan's ISI".
From 2010, a report by a leading British institution also claimed that Pakistan's intelligence service still today has a strong link with the Taliban in Afghanistan. Published by the London School of Economics, the report said that Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) has an "official policy" of support for the Taliban. It said the ISI provides funding and training for the Taliban, and that the agency has representatives on the so-called Quetta Shura, the Taliban's leadership council. It is alleged that the Quetta Shura is exiled in Quetta. The report, based on interviews with Taliban commanders in Afghanistan, was written by Matt Waldman, a fellow at Harvard University.
"Pakistan appears to be playing a double-game of astonishing magnitude," the report said. The report also linked high-level members of the Pakistani government with the Taliban. It said Asif Ali Zardari, the Pakistani president, met with senior Taliban prisoners in 2010 and promised to release them. Zardari reportedly told the detainees they were only arrested because of American pressure. "The Pakistan government's apparent duplicity – and awareness of it among the American public and political establishment – could have enormous geopolitical implications," Waldman said. "Without a change in Pakistani behaviour it will be difficult if not impossible for international forces and the Afghan government to make progress against the insurgency." Afghan officials have long been suspicious of the ISI's role. Amrullah Saleh, the former director of Afghanistan's intelligence service, told Reuters that the ISI was "part of a landscape of destruction in this country".
On 15 June 2014 Pakistan army launches operation 'Zarb-e-Azb' in North Waziristan to remove and root-out Taliban from Pakistan. In this operation 327 hardcore terrorists had been killed while 45 hideouts and 2 bomb making factories of terrorists were destroyed in North Waziristan Agency as the operation continues.
Saudi Arabia has been accused of supporting Taliban. In a December 2009 diplomatic cable to U.S. State Department staff (made public in the diplomatic cable leaks the following year), U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton urged U.S. diplomats to increase efforts to block money from Gulf Arab states from going to terrorists in Pakistan and Afghanistan, writing that "Donors in Saudi Arabia constitute the most significant source of funding to Sunni terrorist groups worldwide" and that "More needs to be done since Saudi Arabia remains a critical financial support base for al-Qaeda, the Taliban, LeT and other terrorist groups."
Qatar in 2013, with the approval of the US and the Afghan government, allowed the Afghan Taliban to set up a diplomatic and political office inside the country. This was done in order to facilitate peace negotiations and with the support of other countries.
Ahmed Rashid, writing in the Financial Times, stated that through the office Qatar has facilitated meetings between the Taliban and many countries and organisations, including the US state department, the UN, Japan, several European governments and non-governmental organisations, all of whom have been trying to push forward the idea of peace talks.
In September 2017, the presidents of both the United States and Afghanistan demanded Qatar to close down the office of the Taliban. But in February 2020, Qatar facilitated a peace agreement between the United States and the Taliban. According to the agreement, the Taliban will cut all its connections with Al-Qaeda and begin peace negotiations with the Afghani Government. In return the United States will begin the withdrawal of its troops. They will have withdrawn all its troops in 14 months.
Russia has been accused of arming the Taliban by multiple politicians including Rex Tillerson and the Afghan government. There is no public evidence to substantiate such allegations, and several independent experts are sceptical that Russia materially supported the Taliban in any way. According to the BBC, Russia "is deeply concerned about the rise of Islamist fundamentalism in the region spreading in its direction. And it sees the Taliban as one potential bulwark against this."
In February and again in May 2019, a delegation of Taliban officials and senior Afghan politicians met in Moscow to hold a new round of Afghan peace talks. Reuters reported that "Russian officials as well as religious leaders and elders had asked for a ceasefire."
In June 2020, U.S. intelligence officials assessed with medium confidence that the Russian GRU military-intelligence agency had offered bounties to the Taliban militants to kill coalition forces in Afghanistan. The Pentagon's top leaders said that Russian bounty program has not been corroborated.
After the 9/11 attacks, the United Kingdom froze the Taliban's assets in the UK, nearly $200 million by early October 2001. The UK also supported the US decision to remove the Taliban, both politically and militarily.
The UN agreed that NATO would act on its behalf, focusing on counter-terrorist operations in Afghanistan after the Taliban had been "defeated". The United Kingdom took operational responsibility for Helmand Province, a major poppy-growing province in southern Afghanistan, deploying troops there in mid-2006, and encountered resistance by re-formed Taliban forces allegedly entering Afghanistan from Pakistan. The Taliban turned towards the use of improvised explosive devices.
The United States never recognised the Taliban government in Afghanistan. Ahmed Rashid states that the US indirectly supported the Taliban through its ally in Pakistan between 1994 and 1996 because Washington viewed the Taliban as anti-Iranian, anti-Shia and potentially pro-Western. Washington furthermore hoped that the Taliban would support development planned by the US-based oil company Unocal. For example, it made no comment when the Taliban captured Herat in 1995, and expelled thousands of girls from schools. In late 1997, American Secretary of State Madeleine Albright began to distance the US from the Taliban, and the American-based oil company Unocal withdrew from negotiations on pipeline construction from Central Asia.
One day before the August 1998 capture of Mazar, bin Laden affiliates bombed two US embassies in Africa, killing 224 and wounding 4,500, mostly Africans. The US responded by launching cruise missiles on suspected terrorist camps in Afghanistan, killing over 20 though failing to kill bin Laden or even many Al-Qaeda. Mullah Omar condemned the missile attack and American President Bill Clinton. Saudi Arabia expelled the Taliban envoy in protest over the refusal to turn over bin Laden, and after Mullah Omar allegedly insulted the Saudi royal family. In mid-October the UN Security Council voted unanimously to ban commercial aircraft flights to and from Afghanistan, and freeze its bank accounts worldwide.
On 26 November 2009, in an interview with CNN's Christiane Amanpour, President Hamid Karzai said there is an "urgent need" for negotiations with the Taliban, and made it clear that the Obama administration had opposed such talks. There was no formal American response.
In December 2009, Asian Times Online reported that the Taliban had offered to give the US "legal guarantees" that they would not allow Afghanistan to be used for attacks on other countries, and that there had been no formal American response.
On 6 December, US officials indicated that they have not ruled out talks with the Taliban. Several days later it was reported that Gates saw potential for reconciliation with the Taliban, but not with Al-Qaeda. Furthermore, he said that reconciliation would politically end the insurgency and the war. But he said reconciliation must be on the Afghan government's terms, and that the Taliban must be subject to the sovereignty of the government.
In 2010, General McChrystal said his troop surge could lead to a negotiated peace with the Taliban.
In an interview with Palgrave Macmillan about relations between the US and the Taliban, American academic Dr. Jonathan Cristol argued that Taliban leaders "have been willing to negotiate, but from a position of relative strength and their goal is no longer a warm relationship with the US—that ship sailed long ago." In March 2020, the USA began a gradual withdrawal of its troops, to which they have agreed in a peace accord with the Taliban.
On 29 February 2020, the Trump administration signed a conditional peace agreement with the Taliban, which calls for the withdrawal of foreign troops in 14 months if the Taliban uphold the terms of the agreement.
United Nations and NGOs
Despite the aid of United Nations (UN) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) given (see § Afghanistan during Taliban rule), the Taliban's attitude in 1996–2001 toward the UN and NGOs was often one of suspicion. The UN did not recognise the Taliban as the legitimate government of Afghanistan, most foreign donors and aid workers were non-Muslims, and the Taliban vented fundamental objections to the sort of 'help' the UN offered. As the Taliban's Attorney General Maulvi Jalil-ullah Maulvizada put it in 1997:
Let us state what sort of education the UN wants. This is a big infidel policy which gives such obscene freedom to women which would lead to adultery and herald the destruction of Islam. In any Islamic country where adultery becomes common, that country is destroyed and enters the domination of the infidels because their men become like women and women cannot defend themselves. Anyone who talks to us should do so within Islam's framework. The Holy Koran cannot adjust itself to other people's requirements, people should adjust themselves to the requirements of the Holy Koran.
In July 1998, the Taliban closed "all NGO offices" by force after those organisations refused to move to a bombed-out former Polytechnic College as ordered. One month later the UN offices were also shut down.
In 2009, British foreign secretary Miliband and US Secretary Hillary Clinton had called for talks with 'regular Taliban fighters' while bypassing their top leaders who supposedly were 'committed to global jihad'. Kai Eide, the top UN official in Afghanistan, called for talks with Taliban at the highest level, suggesting Mullah Omar—even though Omar had recently dismissed such overtures as long as foreign troops were in Afghanistan.
In 2010, the UN lifted sanctions on the Taliban, and requested that Taliban leaders and others be removed from terrorism watch lists. In 2010 the US and Europe announced support for President Karzai's latest attempt to negotiate peace with the Taliban.
In 1996, bin Laden moved to Afghanistan from Sudan. He came without invitation, and sometimes irritated Mullah Omar with his declaration of war and fatwas against citizens of third-party countries, but relations between the two groups improved over time, to the point that Mullah Omar rebuffed his group's patron Saudi Arabia, insulting Saudi minister Prince Turki while reneging on an earlier promise to turn bin Laden over to the Saudis.
Bin Laden was able to forge an alliance between the Taliban and al-Qaeda. The al-Qaeda-trained 055 Brigade integrated with the Taliban army between 1997 and 2001. Several hundred Arab and Afghan fighters sent by bin Laden assisted the Taliban in the Mazar-e-Sharif slaughter in 1998. From 1996 to 2001, the organisation of Osama Bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri had become a virtual state within the Taliban state. The British newspaper The Telegraph stated in September 2001 that 2,500 Arabs under command of Bin Laden fought for the Taliban.
Taliban-al-Qaeda connections were also strengthened by the reported marriage of one of bin Laden's sons to Omar's daughter. While in Afghanistan, bin Laden may have helped finance the Taliban.
After the 1998 US embassy bombings in Africa, bin Laden and several al-Qaeda members were indicted in U.S. criminal court. The Taliban rejected extradition requests by the US, variously claiming that bin Laden had "gone missing", or that Washington "cannot provide any evidence or any proof" that bin Laden is involved in terrorist activities and that "without any evidence, bin Laden is a man without sin... he is a free man."
Evidence against bin Laden included courtroom testimony and satellite phone records. Bin Laden in turn, praised the Taliban as the "only Islamic government" in existence, and lauded Mullah Omar for his destruction of idols such as the Buddhas of Bamyan.
At the end of 2008, the Taliban was in talks to sever all ties with al-Qaeda.
In 2011, Alex Strick van Linschoten and Felix Kuehn at New York University's Center on International Cooperation claimed that the two groups did not get along at times before the 11 September attacks, and they have continued to fight since on account of their differences.
In July 2012, an anonymous senior-ranking Taliban commander stated that "Our people consider al-Qaeda to be a plague that was sent down to us by the heavens. Some even concluded that al-Qaeda are actually the spies of America. Originally, the Taliban were naive and ignorant of politics and welcomed al-Qaeda into their homes. But al-Qaeda abused our hospitality." He went on to further claim that about 70% of the Taliban are angry with al-Qaeda, revealing the icy relationship between the two groups.
Malakand Taliban is a militant outfit led by Sufi Muhammad and his son in law Molvi Fazalullah. Sufi Muhammad is in Pakistani government custody; Molvi Fazalullah is believed to be in Afghanistan. In the last week of May 2011, eight security personnel and civilians fell victim to four hundred armed Taliban who attacked Shaltalo check post in Dir, a frontier District of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, located few kilometres away from Afghan border. Although, they have been linked with Waziristan-based Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the connection between these two groups was of symbolic nature.
Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (Pakistani Taliban)
Before the creation of the Tehrik-i-Taliban (Pakistan), some of their leaders and fighters were part of the 8,000 Pakistani militants fighting in the War in Afghanistan (1996–2001) and the War in Afghanistan (2001–present) against the United Islamic Front and NATO forces. Most of them hail from the Pakistani side of the Af-Pak border regions. After the fall of the Afghan Taliban in late 2001 most Pakistani militants including members of today's TTP fled home to Pakistan.
After the creation of the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan in 2007, headed by Baitullah Mehsud, its members have officially defined goals to establish their rule over Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas. They engage the Pakistani army in heavy combat operations. Some intelligence analysts believe that the TTP's attacks on the Pakistani government, police and army strained the TTP's relations with the Afghan Taliban.
The Afghan Taliban and the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan differ greatly in their history, leadership and goals although they share a common interpretation of Islam and are both predominantly Pashtun. The Afghan Taliban have no affiliation with the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan and routinely deny any connection to the TTP. The New York Times quoted a spokesman for the Afghan Taliban stating that:
We don't like to be involved with them, as we have rejected all affiliation with Pakistani Taliban fighters ... We have sympathy for them as Muslims, but beside that, there is nothing else between us.
It is alleged that Afghan Taliban relied on support by the Pakistani army in the past and are still supported by them today in their campaign to control Afghanistan. Regular Pakistani army troops fought alongside the Afghan Taliban in the War in Afghanistan (1996–2001). Major leaders of the Afghan Taliban including Mullah Omar, Jalaluddin Haqqani and Siraj Haqqani are believed to enjoy or have enjoyed safe haven in Pakistan. In 2006 Jalaluddin Haqqani was allegedly called a 'Pakistani asset' by a senior official of Inter-Services Intelligence. Pakistan denies any links with Haqqani or other terrorist groups. Haqqani himself has denied any links with Pakistan as well.
Afghan Taliban leader Mullah Omar asked the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan in late 2008 and early 2009 to stop attacks inside Pakistan, to change their focus as an organisation and to fight the Afghan National Army and ISAF forces in Afghanistan instead. In late December 2008 and early January 2009 he sent a delegation, led by former Guantanamo Bay detainee Mullah Abdullah Zakir, to persuade leading members of the TTP to put aside differences with Pakistan.
Some regional experts state the common name "Taliban" may be more misleading than illuminating. Gilles Dorronsoro, a scholar of South Asia currently at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington says:
The fact that they have the same name causes all kinds of confusion.
As the Pakistani Army began offensives against the Pakistani Taliban, many unfamiliar with the region thought incorrectly that the assault was against the Afghan Taliban of Mullah Omar which was not the case.
- "Did you know that there are two different Taliban groups?". www.digitaljournal.com. 1 April 2013.
- Deobandi Islam: The Religion of the Taliban U. S. Navy Chaplain Corps, 15 October 2001
- Maley, William (2001). Fundamentalism Reborn? Afghanistan and the Taliban. C Hurst & Co. p. 14. ISBN 978-1-85065-360-8.
- "Taliban - Oxford Islamic Studies Online". www.oxfordislamicstudies.com.
- Rashid, Taliban (2000)
- "Why are Customary Pashtun Laws and Ethics Causes for Concern? | Center for Strategic and International Studies". Csis.org. 19 October 2010. Archived from the original on 9 November 2010. Retrieved 18 August 2014.
- "Understanding taliban through the prism of Pashtunwali code". CF2R. 30 November 2013. Archived from the original on 10 August 2014. Retrieved 18 August 2014.
- "Afghan Taliban". National Counterterrorism Center. Archived from the original on 9 May 2015. Retrieved 7 April 2015.
- Giustozzi, Antonio (2009). Decoding the new Taliban: insights from the Afghan field. Columbia University Press. p. 249. ISBN 978-0-231-70112-9.
- Clements, Frank A. (2003). Conflict in Afghanistan: An Encyclopedia (Roots of Modern Conflict). ABC-CLIO. p. 219. ISBN 978-1-85109-402-8.
- "The Non-Pashtun Taleban of the North: A case study from Badakhshan - Afghanistan Analysts Network". www.Afghanistan-Analysts.org. Retrieved 21 January 2018.
- "Quetta – The Headquarters of the Afghan Taliban". United States: Combating Terrorism Center at Westpoint. 15 May 2009. Retrieved 6 February 2016.
- Koelbl, Susanne (24 November 2006). "Pakistan: Headquarters of the Taliban". Spiegel Online. Retrieved 21 January 2018.
- "Quetta appears to be Taliban headquarters: Holbrooke". Thaindian.com. Retrieved 21 January 2018.
- Briggs, Billy (13 October 2015). "The Peshawar women fighting the Taliban: 'We cannot trust anyone'". the Guardian. Retrieved 21 January 2018.
- "What does Soleimani's death mean for Afghanistan?". The Hill. 6 February 2020.
- "Taliban and the Northern Alliance". US Gov Info. About.com. Retrieved 26 November 2009.
- 9/11 seven years later: US 'safe,' South Asia in turmoil Archived 10 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 24 August 2010.
- Hamilton, Fiona; Coates, Sam; Savage, Michael (3 March 2010). "MajorGeneral Richard Barrons puts Taleban fighter numbers at 36000". The Times. London.
- "Despite Massive Taliban Death Toll No Drop in Insurgency". Voice of America. Akmal Dawi. Archived from the original on 3 July 2016. Retrieved 17 July 2014.
- "The Taliban - Mapping Militant Organizations". web.stanford.edu. Retrieved 20 February 2019.
- "Taliban Leader Feared Pakistan Before He Was Killed". New York Times. 9 August 2017.
- "Qatar's Dirty Hands". National Review. 3 August 2017.
- "Saudi has evidence Qatar supports Taliban: Envoy". Pajhwok Afghan News. 7 August 2017.
- "Why did Saudi Arabia and Qatar, allies of the US, continue to fund the Taliban after the 2001 war?". scroll.in. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
- "Iranian Support for Taliban Alarms Afghan Officials". Middle East Institute. 9 January 2017.
Both Tehran and the Taliban denied cooperation during the first decade after the US intervention, but the unholy alliance is no longer a secret and the two sides now unapologetically admit and publicize it.
- "What Was Mullah Mansour Doing in Iran?".
- "Iran Backs Taliban With Cash and Arms". The Wall Street Journal. 11 June 2015. Retrieved 13 June 2015.
- Small, Andrew (23 August 2015). "China's Man in the Taliban". Foreign Policy Argument. Retrieved 26 July 2019.
- Danahar, Paul (3 September 2007). "Taleban 'getting Chinese arms'". BBC. Retrieved 26 July 2019.
- "Is Russia arming the Afghan Taliban?". BBC.
- Diplomat, Samuel Ramani, The. "What's Behind Saudi Arabia's Turn Away From the Taliban?". The Diplomat.
- "Afghan militant fighters 'may join Islamic State'". BBC News. 2 September 2014. Retrieved 3 March 2017.
- "Afghanistan: Ghani, Hekmatyar sign peace deal". Al Jazeera. 29 September 2016.
- "Why Central Asian states want peace with the Taliban". DW News. 27 March 2018.
"Taliban have assured Russia and Central Asian countries that it would not allow any group, including the IMU, to use Afghan soil against any foreign state," Muzhdah said.
- Roggio, Bill; Weiss, Caleb (14 June 2016). "Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan faction emerges after group's collapse". Long War Journal. Retrieved 6 August 2017.
- "Rare look at Afghan National Army's Taliban fight". BBC. Retrieved 18 August 2014.
- "Taliban attack NATO base in Afghanistan – Central & South Asia". Al Jazeera English. Retrieved 18 August 2014.
- "ISIS reportedly moves into Afghanistan, is even fighting Taliban". 12 January 2015. Archived from the original on 13 February 2015. Retrieved 27 March 2015.
- "ISIS, Taliban announced Jihad against each other". Khaama Press. 20 April 2015. Retrieved 23 April 2015.
- "Taliban leader: allegiance to ISIS 'haram'". Rudaw. 13 April 2015. Retrieved 23 April 2015.
- "Taliban say gap narrowing in talks with US over Afghanistan troop withdrawal". Military Times. 5 May 2019.
- "Afghanistan's warlord vice-president spoiling for a fight with the Taliban". The Guardian. 4 August 2015.
- Ibrahimi, Niamatullah. 2009. "Divide and Rule: State Penetration in Hazarajat (Afghanistan) from Monarchy to the Taliban", Crisis States Working Papers (Series 2) 42, London: Crisis States Research Centre, LSE
- Jonson, Lena (25 August 2006). Tajikistan in the New Central Asia. ISBN 9781845112936. Archived from the original on 16 January 2016. Retrieved 17 December 2014.
- Post, The Jakarta. "US welcomes Qatar decision on Taliban name change". The Jakarta Post. Retrieved 7 February 2017.
- Rubin, Barnett. article. published by the Center on International Cooperation 2 November 2015 (originally published within Al Jazeera). Retrieved 11 November 2015.("...The Taliban ... have repeatedly said that their jihad is limited to their own country...")
- J. Eggers –  published by RAND Corporation [Retrieved 11 November 2015]
- "Afghan Taliban announce successor to Mullah Mansour". BBC News. 26 May 2015. Retrieved 26 May 2016.
- "U.S., Gulf States Blacklist Afghan Taliban, Iranian Officers For Terrorist Financing". RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty.
- "Quetta: Symbol of Pakistan's war on militants or Taliban haven?". The National.
- Matinuddin 1999, pp. 37, 42-43.
- "The Taliban". Mapping Militant Organizations. Stanford University. Retrieved 5 June 2016.
- "Afghanistan: The massacre in Mazar-i Sharif. (Chapter II: Background)". Human Rights Watch. November 1998. Archived from the original on 2 November 2008. Retrieved 16 December 2013.
- Ogata, Sadako N. (2005). The Turbulent Decade: Confronting the Refugee Crises of the 1990s. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 286. ISBN 978-0-393-05773-7.
- McNamara, Melissa (31 August 2006). "The Taliban In Afghanistan". CBS. Retrieved 5 June 2016.
- Masood Ashraf Raja (6 May 2016). The Religious Right and the Talibanization of America. Springer. pp. 16–. ISBN 978-1-137-58490-8.
- "Download Limit Exceeded". citeseerx.ist.psu.edu.
- Whine, Michael (1 September 2001). "Islamism and Totalitarianism: Similarities and Differences". Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions. 2 (2): 54–72. doi:10.1080/714005450. S2CID 146940668.
- "Problems of perception and vision: Turkey and the U.S" (PDF). Retrieved 22 January 2020.
- Skain, Rosemarie (2002). The women of Afghanistan under the Taliban. McFarland. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-7864-1090-3.
- Gerstenzan, James; Getter, Lisa (18 November 2001). "Laura Bush Addresses State of Afghan Women". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 14 September 2012.
- "Women's Rights in the Taliban and Post-Taliban Eras". A Woman Among Warlords. PBS. 11 September 2007. Retrieved 14 September 2012.
- Rashid, Ahmed (2002). Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia. I.B.Tauris. p. 253. ISBN 978-1-86064-830-4.
- Gargan, Edward A (October 2001). "Taliban massacres outlined for UN". Chicago Tribune.
- "Confidential UN report details mass killings of civilian villagers". Newsday. newsday.org. 2001. Archived from the original on 18 November 2002. Retrieved 12 October 2001.
- U.N. says Taliban starving hungry people for military agenda, Associated Press, 7 January 1998
- Goodson, Larry P. (2002). Afghanistan's Endless War: State Failure, Regional Politics and the Rise of the Taliban. University of Washington Press. p. 121. ISBN 978-0-295-98111-6.
- "Re-Creating Afghanistan: Returning to Istalif". NPR. 1 August 2002. Archived from the original on 23 October 2013.
- Trofimov, Yaroslav (10 December 2014). "Afghan Shiites Fear Sectarian Strife." The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 20 July 2020.
- Associated Press (22 May 2001). "Taliban to Enforce Hindu 'Badges.'" Wired. Retrieved 22 July 2020.
- ISAF has participating forces from 39 countries, including all 26 NATO members. See ISAF Troop Contribution Placement (PDF), NATO, 5 December 2007, archived from the original (PDF) on 9 November 2009
- Skaine, Rosemarie (2009). Women of Afghanistan in the Post-Taliban Era: How Lives Have Changed and Where They Stand Today. McFarland. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-7864-3792-4.
- Shanty, Frank (2011). The Nexus: International Terrorism and Drug Trafficking from Afghanistan. Praeger. pp. 86–88. ISBN 978-0-313-38521-6.
- "Citing rising death toll, UN urges better protection of Afghan civilians". United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan. 9 March 2011. Archived from the original on 26 July 2011.
- Haddon, Katherine (6 October 2011). "Afghanistan marks 10 years since war started". Agence France-Presse. Archived from the original on 10 October 2011.
- "UN: Taliban Responsible for 76% of Deaths in Afghanistan". The Weekly Standard. 10 August 2010.
- Novic, Elisa (13 October 2016). The Concept of Cultural Genocide: An International Law Perspective. Oxford University Press. p. 1. ISBN 9780191090912.
- Kinloch, Graham Charles; Mohan, Raj P. (2005). Genocide: Approaches, Case Studies, and Responses. Algora Publishing. pp. 220–229, 313–314. ISBN 9780875863818.
- "GENERAL ASSEMBLY 'APPALLED' BY EDICT ON DESTRUCTION OF AFGHAN SHRINES; STRONGLY URGES TALIBAN TO HALT IMPLEMENTATION | Meetings Coverage and Press Releases". www.un.org. The United Nations. 9 March 2001. Retrieved 2 August 2018.
- "Cultural 'cleansing' exposes outrageous methods of Taliban | The Japan Times". The Japan Times. Retrieved 2 August 2018.
- Rashid 2000, pp. 132, 139
- Maley, William (2002). The Afghanistan wars. Palgrave Macmillan. p. ?. ISBN 978-0-333-80290-8.
- Shaffer, Brenda (2006). The limits of culture: Islam and foreign policy (illustrated ed.). MIT Press. p. 277. ISBN 978-0-262-69321-9.
The Taliban's mindset is, however, equally if not more deaned by Pashtunwali
- Giraldo, Jeanne K. (2007). Terrorism Financing and State Responses: A Comparative Perspective. Stanford University Press. p. 96. ISBN 978-0-8047-5566-5.
Pakistan provided military support, including arms, ammunition, fuel, and military advisers, to the Taliban through its Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)
- "Pakistan's support of the Taliban". Human Rights Watch. 2000.
Of all the foreign powers involved in efforts to sustain and manipulate the ongoing fighting [in Afghanistan], Pakistan is distinguished both by the sweep of its objectives and the scale of its efforts, which include soliciting funding for the Taliban, bankrolling Taliban operations, providing diplomatic support as the Taliban's virtual emissaries abroad, arranging training for Taliban fighters, recruiting skilled and unskilled manpower to serve in Taliban armies, planning and directing offensives, providing and facilitating shipments of ammunition and fuel, and ... directly providing combat support.
- Joscelyn, Thomas (22 September 2011). "Admiral Mullen: Pakistani ISI sponsoring Haqqani attacks". The Long War Journal. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
During a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing today, Admiral Michael Mullen, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, highlighted the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence Agency's role in sponsoring the Haqqani Network – including attacks on American forces in Afghanistan. "The fact remains that the Quetta Shura [Taliban] and the Haqqani Network operate from Pakistan with impunity," Mullen said in his written testimony. "Extremist organizations serving as proxies of the government of Pakistan are attacking Afghan troops and civilians as well as US soldiers." Mullen continued: "For example, we believe the Haqqani Network—which has long enjoyed the support and protection of the Pakistani government and is, in many ways, a strategic arm of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence Agency—is responsible for the September 13th attacks against the U.S. Embassy in Kabul."
- Barnes, Julian E.; Rosenberg, Matthew; Habib Khan Totakhil (5 October 2010). "Pakistan Urges On Taliban". The Wall Street Journal.
the ISI wants us to kill everyone—policemen, soldiers, engineers, teachers, civilians—just to intimidate people,
- US attack on Taliban kills 23 in Pakistan, The New York Times, 9 September 2008
- Partlow, Joshua (3 October 2011). "Karzai accuses Pakistan of supporting terrorists". Retrieved 21 January 2018 – via www.WashingtonPost.com.
- "Afghanistan resistance leader feared dead in blast". London: Ahmed Rashid in the Telegraph. 11 September 2001.
- "English <-> Arabic Online Dictionary". Online.ectaco.co.uk. 28 December 2006. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Curtis, Adam. "From 'Taleban' to 'Taliban'". BBC. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- "Pakistan: A Plethora of Problems" (PDF). Global Security Studies, Winter 2012, Volume 3, Issue 1, by Colin Price, School of Graduate and Continuing Studies in Diplomacy. Norwich University, Northfield, VT. Retrieved 22 December 2012.
- Hillenbrand 2015, p. 284
- 'The Peshawar Accord, 25 April 1992'. Website photius.com. Text from 1997, purportedly sourced on The Library of Congress Country Studies (USA) and CIA World Factbook. Retrieved 22 December 2017.
- "Blood-Stained Hands, Past Atrocities in Kabul and Afghanistan's Legacy of Impunity". Human Rights Watch.
- Neamatollah Nojumi. The Rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Mass Mobilization, Civil War, and the Future of the Region (2002 1st ed.). Palgrave, New York.
- Amin Saikal (2006). Modern Afghanistan: A History of Struggle and Survival (1st ed.). London New York: I.B. Tauris & Co. p. 352. ISBN 978-1-85043-437-5.
- Gutman, Roy (2008): How We Missed the Story: Osama Bin Laden, the Taliban and the Hijacking of Afghanistan, Endowment of the United States Institute of Peace, 1st ed., Washington DC.
- Alex Strick van Linschoten and Felix Kuehn, An Enemy We Created: The Myth of the Taliban-Al Qaeda Merger in Afghanistan, Oxford University Press (2012), p. 122
- 'The Taliban'. Mapping Militant Organizations. Stanford University. Updated 15 July 2016. Retrieved 24 September 2017.
- Matinuddin, Kamal, The Taliban Phenomenon, Afghanistan 1994–1997, Oxford University Press, (1999), pp. 25–26
- Rashid 2000, p. 25
- Washington Post, 23 March 2002, "From U.S., the ABC's of Jihad"
- Shaffer, Brenda (2006). The Limits of Culture: Islam and Foreign Policy. MIT Press. p. 267. ISBN 978-0-262-19529-4.
Pakistani involvement in creating the movement is seen as central
- See further references in § Role of the Pakistani military, § Relations with Pakistan, and article Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)#1994
- Alex Strick van Linschoten and Felix Kuehn, An Enemy We Created: The Myth of the Taliban-Al Qaeda Merger in Afghanistan, Oxford University Press (2012), pp. 121-122
- Felbab-Brow, Vanda (2010). Shooting up: counterinsurgency and the war on drugs. Brookings Institution Press. p. 122. ISBN 978-0-8157-0328-0.
- Rashid 2000, pp. 27–29.
- "II. Background". Reports 1998, Afghan. Human Rights Watch. Archived from the original on 2 November 2008.
- Rashid 2000, p. 29
- Goodson 2001, p. 114 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFGoodson2001 (help)
- Amnesty International. "Document – Afghanistan: further information on fear for safety and new concern: deliberate and arbitrary killings: civilians in Kabul". 16 November 1995 Accessed at Amnesty.org
- Publications, Europa (2 September 2003). A Political Chronology of Central, South and East Asia. ISBN 9781135356804.
- "Documents Detail Years of Pakistani Support for Taliban, Extremists". George Washington University. 2007.
- Coll, Ghost Wars (New York: Penguin, 2005), 14.
- Marcin, Gary (1998). "The Taliban". King's College. Retrieved 26 September 2011.
- B.G. Williams 12 May 2013. work (PDF). published by Routledge – Taylor & Francis group. Retrieved 12 November 2015.
- UNSC Resolution 1333, 19 December 2000 (sanctions against Taliban territory). Retrieved 26 September 2017.
- Rashid 2000, p. 107.
- Rashid 2000, p. 126.
- UNCP Country Development Indicators, 1995.
- Nichols, Robert (2005). "Quoting the ICRC". History Compass. Blackwell-synergy.com. 3: **. doi:10.1111/j.1478-0542.2005.00141.x.
- Rashid 2000, p. 72.
- Rashid 2000, pp. 64, 78.
- Rashid 2000, pp. 101–102.
- Rashid 2000, p. 65.
- Rashid 2000, p. 71.
- Aid agencies pull out of Kabul The building had neither electricity or running water.
- Rashid 2000, pp. 71–72.
- Agence France-Presse, "Taliban reject warnings of aid pull-out", 1998-07-16.
- Shaffer, Brenda (2006). The Limits of Culture: Islam and Foreign Policy. MIT Press. p. 267. ISBN 978-0-262-69321-9.
Pakistani involvement in creating the movement is seen as central
- Forsythe, David P. (2009). Encyclopedia of human rights (Volume 1 ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-19-533402-9.
In 1994 the Taliban was created, funded and inspired by Pakistan
- Gardner, Hall (2007). American global strategy and the 'war on terrorism'. Ashgate. p. 59. ISBN 978-0-7546-7094-0.
- Jones, Owen Bennett (2003). Pakistan: eye of the storm. Yale University Press. p. 240. ISBN 978-0-300-10147-8.
The ISI's undemocratic tendencies are not restricted to its interference in the electoral process. The organisation also played a major role in creating the Taliban movement.
- Randal, Jonathan (2005). Osama: The Making of a Terrorist. I.B.Tauris. p. 26. ISBN 978-1-84511-117-5.
Pakistan had all but invented the Taliban, the so-called Koranic students
- Peiman, Hooman (2003). Falling Terrorism and Rising Conflicts. Greenwood. p. 14. ISBN 978-0-275-97857-0.
Pakistan was the main supporter of the Taliban since its military intelligence, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) formed the group in 1994
- Hilali, A. Z. (2005). US-Pakistan relationship: Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Ashgate. p. 248. ISBN 978-0-7546-4220-6.
- Rumer, Boris Z. (2002). Central Asia: a gathering storm?. M. E. Sharpe. p. 103. ISBN 978-0-7656-0866-6.
- Pape, Robert A (2010). Cutting the Fuse: The Explosion of Global Suicide Terrorism and How to Stop It. University of Chicago Press. pp. 140–141. ISBN 978-0-226-64560-5.
- Harf, James E.; Mark Owen Lombard (2004). The Unfolding Legacy of 9/11. University Press of America. p. 122. ISBN 978-0-7618-3009-2.
- Hinnells, John R. (2006). Religion and violence in South Asia: theory and practice. Routledge. p. 154. ISBN 978-0-415-37290-9.
- Boase, Roger (2010). Islam and Global Dialogue: Religious Pluralism and the Pursuit of Peace. Ashgate. p. 85. ISBN 978-1-4094-0344-9.
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency used the students from these madrassas, the Taliban, to create a favourable regime in Afghanistan
- Armajani, Jon (2012). Modern Islamist Movements: History, Religion, and Politics. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 48. ISBN 978-1-4051-1742-5.
- Bayo, Ronald H. (2011). Multicultural America: An Encyclopedia of the Newest Americans. Greenwood. p. 8. ISBN 978-0-313-35786-2.
- Goodson, Larry P. (2002). Afghanistan's Endless War: State Failure, Regional Politics and the Rise of the Taliban. University of Washington Press. p. 111. ISBN 978-0-295-98111-6.
Pakistani support for the Taliban included direct and indirect military involvement, logistical support
- Maley, William (2009). The Afghanistan wars. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 288. ISBN 978-0-230-21313-5.
- Tomsen, Peter (2011). Wars of Afghanistan. PublicAffairs. p. 322. ISBN 978-1-58648-763-8.
- Marcela Grad. Massoud: An Intimate Portrait of the Legendary Afghan Leader (March 1, 2009 ed.). Webster University Press. p. 310.
- "Pakistan's support of the Taliban". Human Rights Watch. 2000.
- Edward Girardet. Killing the Cranes: A Reporter's Journey Through Three Decades of War in Afghanistan (3 August 2011 ed.). Chelsea Green Publishing. p. 416.
- Rashid 2000, p. 91
- "Inside the Taliban". National Geographic Society. 2007.
- Clements, Frank (2003). Conflict in Afghanistan: a historical encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 54. ISBN 978-1-85109-402-8.
- Constable, Pamela (16 September 1998). "Afghanistan: Arena for a New Rivalry". The Washington Post.
- "Pak involved in Taliban offensive – Russia". Express India. 1998. Archived from the original on 28 January 2005.
- "Afghanistan & the United Nations". United Nations. 2012.
- "U.S. presses for bin Laden's ejection". The Washington Times. 2001.
- Byman, Daniel (2005). Deadly connections: states that sponsor terrorism. Cambridge University Press. p. 195. ISBN 978-0-521-83973-0.
- Atkins, Stephen E. (2011). The 9/11 Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 540. ISBN 978-1-59884-921-9.
- Litwak, Robert (2007). Regime change: U.S. strategy through the prism of 9/11. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 309. ISBN 978-0-8018-8642-3.
- McGrath, Kevin (2011). Confronting Al-Qaeda. Naval Institute Press. p. 138. ISBN 978-1-59114-503-5.
the Pakistani military's Inter-services Intelligence Directorate (IsI) provided assistance to the taliban regime, to include its military and al Qaeda–related terrorist training camps
- "Book review: The inside track on Afghan wars by Khaled Ahmed". Daily Times. 2008. Archived from the original on 22 October 2013.
- "Brigade 055". CNN. Archived from the original on 19 July 2015.
- Marcela Grad. Massoud: An Intimate Portrait of the Legendary Afghan Leader (1 March 2009 ed.). Webster University Press. p. 310.
- "Human Rights Watch Backgrounder, October 2001". Human Rights Watch. 2001.
- "Inside the Taliban". National Geographic Society. 2007. Archived from the original on 13 August 2011.
- "The Last Interview with Ahmad Shah Massoud". Piotr Balcerowicz. 2001. Archived from the original on 25 September 2006.
- Steve Coll. Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001 (23 February 2004 ed.). Penguin Press HC. p. 558.
- "The man who would have led Afghanistan". St. Petersburg Times. 2002.
- Tomsen, Peter (2011). Wars of Afghanistan. PublicAffairs. p. 565. ISBN 978-1-58648-763-8.
- "The lost lion of Kabul". The New Statesman. 2011.
- "Council of Afghan opposition". Corbis. 2001.
- Marcela Grad. Massoud: An Intimate Portrait of the Legendary Afghan Leader (1 March 2009 ed.). Webster University Press. p. 65.
- "Massoud in the European Parliament 2001". EU media. 2001. Archived from the original on 10 June 2015.
- "Massoud in the European Parliament 2001". EU media. 2001.
- Defense Intelligence Agency (2001) report GWU.edu
- "" (5 March 2001). "see video". YouTube. Retrieved 31 October 2010.CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
- "Taliban Foe Hurt and Aide Killed by Bomb". The New York Times. Afghanistan. 10 September 2001. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- Burns, John F. (9 September 2002). "Threats and responses: assassination; Afghans, Too, Mark a Day of Disaster: A Hero Was Lost". The New York Times. Afghanistan. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- Boettcher, Mike (6 November 2003). "How much did Afghan leader know?". CNN. Archived from the original on 20 August 2008.
- "The Man Who Knew". PBS. 2002.
- "Transcript of President Bush's address". CNN. 21 September 2001. Archived from the original on 19 August 2010. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- Text: President Bush Addresses the Nation Washington Post, 20 September 2017.
- United Nations S.C. Res. 1368, 12 September 2001[circular reference]
- S.C. Res. 1373, 28 September 2001[circular reference]
- Smith and Thorp, Ben and Arabella (26 February 2010). "The legal basis for the invasion of Afghanistan" (PDF). House of Commons Library. International Affairs and Defence Section.
- "Statement by the North Atlantic Council, September 12, 2001, in Press Release 124". NATO. 12 September 2001.
- Burns, John F. "Pakistan Says Taliban Demands Evidence That Bin Laden Is Tied to Attacks". The New York Times. 18 September 2001
- "US resolute on Bin Laden hunt
- Jones, Gary and Francis, Wayne. "WAR ON TERROR: MUSLIM ANGER". The Mirror. 22 September 2001
- "Taliban 'will try Bin Laden if US provides evidence'". The Guardian. London. 5 October 2001.
- "America Speaks Out: What's the Next Threat?" TalkBack Live. CNN. 1 October 2001
- Helen, Kennedy. "Taliban Mock U.S., Say They're Hiding Osama Warn Washington To Rethink Assault". Daily News. 1 October 2001
- "Briefing 05: The Smoking Gun". J-n-v.org. 8 October 2001. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Bishop, P., Pakistan blocks bin Laden trial, The Daily Telegraph, 4 October 2001. Also known in print as "Pakistan halts secret plan for bin Laden trial".
- "Taliban offers to try bin Laden in an Islamic court". CNN. 7 October 2001. Archived from the original on 14 June 2004.
- "Afghanistan wakes after night of intense bombings. CNN: October 7, 2001". CNN. 7 October 2001. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Pike, John. "Operation Enduring Freedom". Globalsecurity.org. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Pike, John (7 October 2001). "Intentions of U.S. military operation". Globalsecurity.org. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Lehman, John (31 August 2006). "We're Not Winning This War". The Washington Post. Retrieved 3 December 2009.
- "Taliban offers to hand bin Laden to a neutral nation for trial". The Guardian. London. 14 October 2001. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Hersh, Seymour M. (28 January 2002). "The Getaway". The New Yorker. Retrieved 15 February 2008.
- Ratnescar, Romesh (10 October 2002). "Afghanistan: One year on". Time. Retrieved 5 November 2011.
- Moran, Michael (29 November 2001). "The 'airlift of evil'". NBC News. Retrieved 15 February 2008.
- Press Trust of India (24 January 2002). "India protests airlift of Pakistani fighters from Kunduz". The Indian Express. Retrieved 5 November 2011.
- George, Marcus (26 November 2001). "Kunduz celebrates end of siege". BBC News. Retrieved 15 February 2008.
- Rashid, Ahmed (2008). Descent into Chaos: The United States and the Failure of Nation Building in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Central Asia. United States: Viking Press. ISBN 978-0-670-01970-0.
- OARDEC (2008). Unclassified Summary of Administrative Review Board Proceedings (pp. 651–742). United States Department of Defense, pp. 685–690, retrieved 16 August 2013.
- Researcher, CQ (2010). Issues in Terrorism and Homeland Security: Selections From CQ Researcher. Sage. p. 196. ISBN 978-1-4129-9201-5.
- Lansford, Tom (2011). 9/11 and the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq: A Chronology and Reference Guide. ABC-CLIO. p. 37. ISBN 978-1-59884-419-1.
- Lall, Marie (2008). DeRouen, Karl R. (ed.). International security and the United States: an encyclopedia (Volume 1 ed.). Praeger. p. 10. ISBN 978-0-275-99254-5.
- Hussain, Zahid (2007). Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle With Militant Islam. Columbia University Press. p. 49. ISBN 978-0-85368-769-6.
However, Pakistani intelligence agencies maintained some degree of cooperation with the Taliban elements fleeing the fighting.
- Morgan, Matthew J. (2007). A Democracy Is Born: An Insider's Account of the Battle Against Terrorism in Afghanistan. Praeger. p. 166. ISBN 978-0-275-99999-5.
- Musharraf, Pervez (2006). In the line of fire: a memoir. The Free Press. p. 201. ISBN 978-0-7432-8344-1.
- Gartenstein-Ross, Daveed (2011). Bin Laden's Legacy: Why We're Still Losing the War on Terror. Wiley. p. 189. ISBN 978-1-118-15095-5.
- Hansen, Stig Jarle (2010). The Borders of Islam: Exploring Huntington's Faultlines, from Al-Andalus to the Virtual Ummah. Columbia University Press. p. 77. ISBN 978-0-231-15422-2.
- Riedel, Bruce O. (2011). Deadly embrace: Pakistan, America, and the future of the global jihad. Brookings Institution Press. p. 65. ISBN 978-0-8157-0557-4.
- Tohid, Owias & Baldauf, Scott (8 May 2003). "Taliban appears to be regrouped and well-funded". Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved 28 February 2007.
- Tohid, Owias (27 June 2003). "Taliban regroups – on the road". Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved 28 February 2007.
- Gall, Carlotta (13 November 2004). "Asia: Afghanistan: Taliban Leader Vows Return". The New York Times. Retrieved 8 September 2017.
- "npr: Truck Accident Sparks Riots in Afghanistan". 29 May 2006. Retrieved 12 September 2017.
- Constable, Pamela (1 June 2006). "U.S. troops fired at mob after Kabul accident". The Washington Post. Washington. p. 1. Retrieved 12 September 2017.
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 13 July 2007. Retrieved 10 September 2013.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) CS1 maint: unfit url (link) (PDF), pp. 77–90, archived from the original Archived 11 July 2007 at the Wayback Machine on 11 July 2007.
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 30 September 2007. Retrieved 29 June 2007.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) CS1 maint: unfit url (link) (PDF), archived from the original Archived 1 January 2016 at the Wayback Machine on 30 September 2007.
- "Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU)". Spaces.brad.ac.uk:8080. 22 February 1999. Archived from the original on 15 September 2012. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Shahzad, Syed Saleem (8 September 2006). "Pakistan: Hello Al-Qaeda, goodbye America". Asia Times. Retrieved 12 September 2006.
- Gall, Carlotta (21 January 2007). "At Border, Signs of Pakistani Role in Taliban Surge". The New York Times.
- Harnden, Toby (11 December 2010). "Man on a mission. US defence Secretary Robert Gates is still hungry for the fight in Afghanistan". The Daily Telegraph. London.
- Gall, Carlotta. "Taliban". The New York Times.
- "Empowering "Soft" Taliban Over "Hard" Taliban: Pakistan's Counter-Terrorism Strategy by Sadia Sulaiman". Archived from the original on 20 August 2008.
- "Asia Times Online :: South Asia news, business and economy from India and Pakistan". Asia Times. 17 December 2009. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- "When War Is Just Another Day in Afghanistan". Time. 18 July 2016. Retrieved 9 September 2017.
- "Carter visits Afghanistan as Obama plans handoff of 15-year war". CNN. 9 December 2016. Retrieved 9 September 2017.
- "Trump calls out Pakistan, India as he pledges to 'fight to win' in Afghanistan". CNN, 24 August 2017. Retrieved 25 September 2017.
- Ben Farmer (7 May 2020), "Taliban founder's son appointed military chief of insurgents", The Telegraph. Retrieved 7 June 2020.
- "Taliban spokesman: Cruel behavior was necessary". Tolonews.com. 31 December 2011. Archived from the original on 23 April 2012. Retrieved 1 September 2012.
- "Associated Press: U.N. says Taliban starving hungry people for military agenda". Nl.newsbank.com. 7 January 1998. Retrieved 1 September 2012.
- Armajani, Jon (2012). Modern Islamist Movements: History, Religion, and Politics. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 207. ISBN 978-1-4051-1742-5.
- Riedel, Bruce (2010). The Search for Al Qaeda: Its Leadership, Ideology, and Future (2nd Revised ed.). Brookings Institution. pp. 66–67. ISBN 978-0-8157-0451-5.
- Clements, Frank (2003). Conflict in Afghanistan: a historical encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 106. ISBN 978-1-85109-402-8.
- Gutman, Roy (2008). How We Missed the Story: Osama Bin Laden, the Taliban, and the Hijacking of Afghanistan. Institute of Peace Press. p. 142. ISBN 978-1-60127-024-5.
- Tripathi, Deepak (2011). Breeding Ground: Afghanistan and the Origins of Islamist Terrorism. Potomac. p. 116. ISBN 978-1-59797-530-8.
- Coburn, Noah (2011). Bazaar Politics: Power and Pottery in an Afghan Market Town. Stanford University Press. p. 13. ISBN 978-0804776721.
- Maley, William (2002). The Afghanistan wars. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 240. ISBN 978-0-333-80290-8.
- Clements, Frank (2003). Conflict in Afghanistan: a historical encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 112. ISBN 978-1-85109-402-8.
- "Lifting The Veil On Taliban Sex Slavery". Time. 10 February 2002.
- "Movies". Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA). Archived from the original (MPG) on 25 March 2009.
- "The Taliban's War on Women" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 July 2007. Retrieved 4 March 2007., Physicians for Human Rights, August 1998.
- Dupree Hatch, Nancy. "Afghan Women under the Taliban" in Maley, William. Fundamentalism Reborn? Afghanistan and the Taliban. London: Hurst and Company, 2001, pp. 145–166.
- Wertheime, Molly Meijer (2004). Leading Ladies of the White House: Communication Strategies of Notable Twentieth-Century First Ladies. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 253. ISBN 978-0-7425-3672-2.
- Cooke, Miriam (2006). Sherman, Daniel J. (ed.). Terror, Culture, Politics: 9/11 Reconsidere. Indiana University Press. p. 177. ISBN 978-0-253-34672-8.
- Moghadam, Valentine M. (2003). Modernizing women: gender and social change in the Middle East (2nd Revised ed.). Lynne Rienner. p. 266. ISBN 978-1-58826-171-7.
- Massoumi, Mejgan (2010). AlSayyad, Nezar (ed.). The fundamentalist city?: religiosity and the remaking of urban space. Routledge. p. 223. ISBN 978-0-415-77935-7.
- Skaine, Rosemarie (2009). Women of Afghanistan in the Post-Taliban Era: How Lives Have Changed and Where They Stand Today. McFarland. p. 57. ISBN 978-0-7864-3792-4.
- Rashid, Ahmed. Taliban. Yale Nota Bene Books, 2000, p.106.
- Rashid, Ahmed. Taliban. Yale Nota Bene Books, 2000, p. 70.
- Graham-Harrison, Emma; Makoii, Akhtar Mohammad (9 February 2019). "'The Taliban took years of my life': the Afghan women living in the shadow of war". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020. Retrieved 16 July 2020.
- "Women in Afghanistan: the back story". Amnesty International. 25 November 2014. Archived from the original on 14 June 2020. Retrieved 16 July 2020.
- "Report on the Taliban's War Against Women". U.S. Department of State. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. 17 November 2001. Archived from the original on 11 July 2020. Retrieved 16 July 2020.
- "Woman flogged for adultery". The Irish Times. 28 February 1998. Archived from the original on 16 July 2020. Retrieved 16 July 2020.
- Lacayo, Richard (25 November 2001). "About Face for Afghan Women". Time. Archived from the original on 22 December 2019. Retrieved 16 July 2020.
- Kegley, Charles W.; Shannon L Blanton (2011). World Politics: Trend and Transformation. Cengage. p. 230. ISBN 978-0-495-90655-1.
- "Human Rights News, Afghanistan: Civilians Bear Cost of Escalating Insurgent Attacks". Human Rights Watch. 17 April 2007. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- "The Consequences of Insurgent Attacks in Afghanistan, April 2007, Volume 19, No. 6(C)". Human Rights Watch. 16 April 2007. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Arnoldy, Ben (31 July 2009). "In Afghanistan, Taliban kills more civilians than US".
- "The UN Goldstone Commission: A Lesson in Farcical Hypocrisy, Defense Update. By David Eshel". Defense-update.com. Archived from the original on 23 February 2013. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Israel and the New Way of War Archived 26 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine, The Journal of International Security Affairs, Spring 2010 – Number 18
- "UK charity worker killed in Kabul". BBC News. 20 October 2008. Retrieved 7 October 2017.
- 'Hizb-i-Islami, Taliban both claim killing 10 medical workers in northern Afghanistan'. FDD's Long War Journal, 7 August 2010. Retrieved 5 October 2017.
- "Gunmen kill 4 female polio workers in Pakistan" (18 December 2012), Yahoo! News, The Associated Press. Retrieved 10 September 2013.
- Walsh, D. (18 June 2012). "Taliban Block Vaccinations in Pakistan". The New York Times. Retrieved 27 May 2013.
- Graham-Harrison, E. (12 March 2013). "Taliban stopping polio vaccinations, says Afghan governor". Guardian. London. Retrieved 27 May 2013.
- Babakarkhail, Z.; Nelson, D. (13 May 2013). "Taliban renounces war on anti-polio workers". The Telegraph. London. Retrieved 27 May 2013.
- "Taliban pledge support for Afghan polio campaign". CBC News. 14 May 2013. Retrieved 27 May 2013.
- Rashid, Ahmed (20 April 2010). Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia. ISBN 9780300164848.
- Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World, (2004).
- Rashid 2000, pp. 132, 139.
- Rashid 2000, p. 87.
- Rashid 2000, p. 92.
- Griffiths 227.
- Matinuddin 1999, pp. 35-36.
- Matinuddin 1999, p. 35.
- Matinuddin 1999, p. 36.
- Matinuddin 1999, p. 34.
- Matinuddin 1999, p. 37.
- "US Country Report on Human Rights Practices – Afghanistan 2001". State.gov. 4 March 2002. Retrieved 4 March 2020.
- Matinuddin 1999, p. 39.
- Farrell, Graham; Thorne, John (March 2005). "Where Have All the Flowers Gone?: Evaluation of the Taliban Crackdown Against Opium Poppy Cultivation in Afghanistan". International Journal of Drug Policy. Elsevier. 16 (2): 81–91. doi:10.1016/j.drugpo.2004.07.007 – via ResearchGate.
- Ghiabi, Maziyar (2019). "Crisis as an Idiom for Reforms". Drugs Politics: Managing Disorder in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 101–102. ISBN 978-1-108-47545-7. LCCN 2019001098.
- "Afghanistan, Opium and the Taliban". Retrieved 4 March 2020.
- Roy, Olivier, Globalized Islam, Columbia University Press, 2004, p. 239.
- "IV. Incitement of violence against Hazaras by governor Niazi", Human Rights Watch Report, 'Afghanistan, the massacre in Mazar-e-Sharif', November 1998., Human Rights Watch, archived from the original on 19 October 2008, retrieved 1 December 2011
- Alikuzei, Hamid Wahed. A Concise History of Afghanistan in 25 Volumes. 1. p. 529.
- "Why Are the Taliban Wooing a Persecuted Afghanistan Minority Group?". The Diplomat. 28 May 2020.
- "Peoples and Ethnic Groups – Pashtunwali: The Code". uwf.edu.
- "<?php echo $header ?>". www.Lubnaa.com. Retrieved 21 January 2018.
- "Foreign Military Studies Office, "Whither the Taliban?" by Mr. Ali A. Jalali and Mr. Lester W. Grau". Fas.org. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Harding, Luke (3 March 2001). "How the Buddha got his wounds". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- Massoud, Yahya (July 2010). "Afghans Can Win This War". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 10 January 2011.
- Rashid 2000, p. 95.
- Interview with Taliban spokesman Mullah Wakil in Arabic magazine Al-Majallah, 1996-10-23.
- "How the Buddha got his wounds," Guardian, 2001-03-03.
- Rashid 2000, p. 32.
- Rashid 2000, p. 111.
- ""Taliban publicly execute woman", Associated Press, November 17, 1999". Rawa.org. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Antonowicz, Anton. 'Zarmina's story", Daily Mirror, 20 June 2002
- "Zarmeena". Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA). Archived from the original (MPG) on 17 November 2006.
- Rashid 2000, pp. 41–42.
- "Another battle with Islam's 'true believers'". The Globe and Mail.
- "Wayback Machine" (PDF). 19 August 2013. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 August 2013. Retrieved 21 January 2018.
- Mohamad Jebara More Mohamad Jebara. "Imam Mohamad Jebara: Fruits of the tree of extremism". Ottawa Citizen.
- "THE MASSACRE IN MAZAR-I SHARIF". www.HRW.org. Retrieved 21 January 2018.
- "Analysis: Who are the Taleban?". BBC News. 20 December 2000.
- "From the article on the Taliban in Oxford Islamic Studies Online". Oxford Islamic Studies. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- Mullah Omar: Taliban choose deputy Mansour as successor, BBC News, 30 July 2015
- Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim world / editor in chief, Richard C. Martin, Macmillan Reference USA : Thomson/Gale, c2004
- Griffiths 226.
- Rashid 2000, p. 98.
- Rashid 2000, p. 43 Interview with Mullah Wakil, March 1996
- Rashid 2000, pp. 39–40.
- Rashid 2000, p. 5.
- Rashid 2000, p. 100.
- Dixon, Robyn (13 October 2001). "Afghans in Kabul Flee Taliban, Not U.S. Raids". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 11 December 2012.
- Lansford, Tom (2011). 9/11 and the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq: A Chronology and Reference Guide. ABC-CLIO. p. 147. ISBN 978-1-59884-419-1.
- Marsden, Peter (1998). The Taliban: war, religion and the new order in Afghanistan. Zed Books. p. 51. ISBN 978-1-85649-522-6.
- Pugh, Michael C.; Neil Cooper Jonathan Goodhand (2004). War Economies in a Regional Context: Challenges of Transformation. Lynne Rienner. p. 48. ISBN 978-1-58826-211-0.
- Castillo, Graciana del (2008). Rebuilding War-Torn States: The Challenge of Post-Conflict Economic Reconstruction. Oxford University Press. p. 167. ISBN 978-0-19-923773-9.
- Skaine, Rosemarie (2009). Women of Afghanistan in the Post-Taliban Era: How Lives Have Changed and Where They Stand Today. McFarland. p. 58. ISBN 978-0-7864-3792-4.
- Nojum, Neamatollah (2002). The Rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Mass Mobilization, Civil War and the Future of the Region. St Martin's Press. p. 178. ISBN 978-0-312-29584-4.
- Nojum, Neamatollah (2002). The Rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Mass Mobilization, Civil War and the Future of the Region. St Martin's Press. p. 186. ISBN 978-0-312-29584-4.
- Chouvy, Pierre-Arnaud (2010). Opium: uncovering the politics of the poppy. Harvard University Press. pp. 52ff.
- Shaffer, Brenda (2006). The limits of culture: Islam and foreign policy. MIT Press. p. 283. ISBN 978-0-262-69321-9.
- Thourni, Francisco E. (2006). Bovenkerk, Frank (ed.). The Organized Crime Community: Essays in Honor of Alan A. Block. Springer. p. 130. ISBN 978-0-387-39019-2.
- Lyman, Michael D. (2010). Drugs in Society: Causes, Concepts and Control. Elsevier. p. 309. ISBN 978-1-4377-4450-7.
- Griffin, Michael (2000). Reaping the whirlwind: the Taliban movement in Afghanistan. Pluto Press. p. 147. ISBN 978-0-7453-1274-3.
- Wehr, Kevin (2011). Green Culture: An A-to-Z Guide. Sage. p. 223. ISBN 978-1-4129-9693-8.
- Rashid, Ahmed (2002). Taliban: Islam, oil and the new great game in central Asia. I.B.Tauris. p. 187. ISBN 978-1-86064-830-4.
- Clements, Frank (2003). Conflict in Afghanistan: a historical encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 148. ISBN 978-1-85109-402-8.
- Bennett, Adam (2005). Reconstructing Afghanistan (illustrated ed.). International Monetary Fund. p. 29. ISBN 978-1-58906-324-2.
- Farah, Douglas; Braun, Stephen (2008). Merchant of Death: Money, Guns, Planes, and the Man Who Makes War Possible. Wiley. p. 146. ISBN 978-0-470-26196-5.
- Askari, Hossein (2003). Economic sanctions: examining their philosophy and efficacy. Potomac. p. 56. ISBN 978-1-56720-542-8.
- Pillar, Paul R. (2003). Terrorism and U.S. foreign policy. Brookings Institution. p. 77. ISBN 978-0-8157-7077-0.
- Walsh, Declan (5 December 2010). "WikiLeaks cables portray Saudi Arabia as a cash machine for terrorists". The Guardian. London.
- "Fueling Terror". Institute for the Analysis of Global Security.
- "US contractors sued for allegedly paying 'protection money' to the Taliban in Afghanistan". CNBC. 27 December 2019.
- "Gold Star Families Sue Defense Contractors, Alleging They Funded The Taliban". NPR. 28 December 2019.
- "Gold Star family lawsuit alleges contractors in Afghanistan funneled money to the Taliban". CNN. 28 December 2019.
- Matinuddin 1999, p. 42.
- "Currently listed entities". Public Safety Canada. Retrieved 23 October 2014.
- "ICS- Institute of Chinese Studies : China's Role in Afghan-Taliban Peace Talks: Afghan Perspectives". www.icsin.org. Retrieved 8 September 2019.
- "China courted Afghan Taliban in secret meetings". Financial Times.
- "Massoud joins hands with India". Rawa.org. 1 July 1999. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Cohen, Stephen P. (2004). India: Emerging Power. Brookings Institution Press. p. 248. ISBN 978-0-8157-9839-2.
- Pigott, Peter. Canada in Afghanistan: The War So Far. Toronto: Dundurn Press Ltd, 2007. ISBN 1-55002-674-7, ISBN 978-1-55002-674-0. P. 54.
- Gall, Carlotta (21 January 2007). "At Border, Signs of Pakistani Role in Taliban Surge – New York Times". The New York Times. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "Bombay terrorist reveals links with IC 814 hijackers". Rediff.com. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- "India reaches out to Afghanistan". Asia Times. 30 August 2005. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Sreedhar, T., "India's Afghan policy" (7 March 2003), The Hindu, Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs. Retrieved 10 September 2013.
- Bedi, Rahul,"Archived copy". Archived from the original on 16 February 2006. Retrieved 3 June 2008.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) CS1 maint: unfit url (link), (15 March 2001), Jane's Intelligence Review, archived from the original Archived 26 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine on 16 February 2006.
- McLeod, Duncan (2008). India and Pakistan: Friends, Rivals Or Enemies?. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 93. ISBN 978-0-7546-7437-5.
- Tharoor, Ishaan (5 December 2009). "India, Pakistan and the Battle for Afghanistan". Time. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- "India: Afghanistan's influential ally". BBC News. 8 October 2009. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- Bajoria, Jayshree (22 July 2009). "India-Afghanistan Relations". Council on Foreign Relations. Archived from the original on 29 November 2008. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- Gishkori, Zahid. "Terrorism threat in India during World Cup". Tribune.com.pk. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "Taliban trying to enter India: Malik". The News. 24 March 2011. Archived from the original on 24 December 2011. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "Terrorist plotting World Cup attack nabbed: Rehman Malik". The Times of India. 24 March 2011. Archived from the original on 14 July 2012. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "India forced to reassess Taliban threat". The Times of India. 31 March 2009. Archived from the original on 7 July 2012. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- PTI (17 June 2012). "Taliban praises India for resisting U.S. pressure on Afghanistan". The Hindu. ISSN 0971-751X. Retrieved 3 July 2019.
- Rashid 2000, pp. 74–75.
- Pike, John (15 September 1998). "Iranian-Afghan tensions". Globalsecurity.org. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "Gates Warns Iran Over Afghan 'Double Game'". CBS News. 8 March 2010. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "US General Accuses Iran Of Helping Taliban". Eagleworldnews.com. 31 May 2010. Archived from the original on 7 June 2010. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- Meyer, Henry (14 February 2009). "Iran Is Helping Taliban in Afghanistan, Petraeus Says (Update1)". Bloomberg. Archived from the original on 14 August 2011. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- Jha, Lalit K (16 March 2011). "Concern in US over increasing Iranian activity in Afghanistan". Pajhwok Afghan News (PAN). Retrieved 13 January 2011.
- "Shi'ite Hazara gunmen join the Taliban". 4 October 2016.
- AFP (7 September 2015). "Afghan Taliban take apparent dig at IS over Hazara killings".
- Tabatabai, Ariane M. (9 August 2019). "Iran's cooperation with the Taliban could affect talks on U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan". The Washington Post.
- "Taliban condemn killing of Iran's Qassem Soleimani". Al Arabiya. 5 January 2020.
- Rashid 2000, p. 26.
- West, Julian (23 September 2001). "Pakistan's godfathers of the Taliban hold the key to the hunt for Bin Laden". The Daily Telegraph. London.
- Gall, Carlotta (3 March 2010). "Former Pakistani officer embodies policy puzzle". The New York Times.
- Waldman, Matt (June 2010). "The Sun in the Sky: The Relationship between Pakistan's ISI and Afghan Insurgents" (PDF). Crisis States Working Papers. Crisis States Research Centre, London School of Economics and Political Science (series no.2, no. 18): 3.
In the 1980s the ISI was instrumental in supporting seven Sunni Muslim mujahedeen groups in their jihad against the Soviets, and was the principal conduit of covert US and Saudi funding. It subsequently played a pivotal rôle in the emergence of the Taliban (Coll 2005:292) and Pakistan provided significant political, financial, military and logistical support to the former Taliban regime in Afghanistan (1996–2001)(Rashid 2001).
- Crisis of Impunity (Report). Human Rights Watch. July 2001.
- Frantz 2001 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFFrantz2001 (help)
- Rashid 2000, pp. 185–186
- Rashid 2000, pp. 93, 137.
- Joscelyn, Thomas (22 September 2011). "Admiral Mullen: Pakistani ISI sponsoring Haqqani attacks". The Long War Journal. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "The ISI and Terrorism: Behind the Accusations – Council on Foreign Relations". Cfr.org. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- Pape, Robert Anthony; Feldman, James K. (2010). Cutting the Fuse: The Explosion of Global Suicide Terrorism and How to Stop It. University of Chicago Press. p. 142. ISBN 978-0-226-64560-5.
The thinking piece of the Taliban is out of Quetta in Pakistan. It's the major headquarters (Chris Vernon British Chief of Staff)
- "Discussion Papers" (PDF). Retrieved 12 December 2010.
- "Afghan ex-intel chief opposed Karzai peace plan". Reuters. 8 June 2010.
- Chris Allbritton (27 October 2011). "Pakistan strongly denied Thursday a BBC report that alleged the Pakistani military, along with its intelligence arm, supplied and protected the Afghan Taliban and al Qaeda". Reuters. Retrieved 27 October 2011.
- Shuja, Nawaz (14 November 2007). "The US-Pakistan Roller Coaster Relationship". Huffington Post. Retrieved 14 November 2007.
- Jayshree Bajoria. "The Strained U.S.-Pakistan Alliance". Archived from the original on 11 February 2011. Retrieved 22 October 2010.
- "U.S.-Pakistan relations: An unhappy alliance". Los Angeles Times. 7 May 2011. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "Pakistan warns U.S. it may lose key ally". Macleans.ca. 23 September 2011. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "The World Today – Pakistan denies terror links". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. 23 September 2011. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "Pakistan army launches operation 'Zarb-e-Azb' in North Waziristan". Thenews.com.pk. 15 June 2014. Archived from the original on 19 July 2014. Retrieved 18 August 2014.
- Jon Boone in Islamabad. "Pakistan begins long-awaited offensive to root out militants from border region | World news". The Guardian. Retrieved 18 August 2014.
- Imaduddin (26 June 2014). "327 terrorists killed, 45 hideouts destroyed during Zarb-e-Azb operation: DG ISPR". Brecorder.com. Archived from the original on 27 June 2014. Retrieved 18 August 2014.
- "Saudis Bankroll Taliban, Even as King Officially Supports Afghan Government". The New York Times. 12 June 2016.
- Walsh, Declan (5 December 2010). "WikiLeaks cables portray Saudi Arabia as a cash machine for terrorists". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on 15 December 2016.
- 'Saudi envoy criticizes Qatari backing of Afghan Taliban'. aa.com.tr, 8 July 2017. Retrieved 6 November 2017.
- Siegel, Robert (23 December 2013). "How Tiny Qatar 'Punches Above Its Weight'". NPR.
- Ahmed Rashid, Ahmed (4 October 2017). "Why closing the Taliban's Qatar office would be an erro". Financial Times. Retrieved 30 October 2017.
- "Closing the Taliban's Office in Qatar Would Be a Historic Mistake". Defense One. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
- Graham-Harrison, Emma; Sabbagh, Dan; Makoii, Akhtar Mohammad; Borger, Julian (29 February 2020). "US and Taliban sign deal to withdraw American troops from Afghanistan". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 29 February 2020.
- Rasmussen, Sune Engel (22 October 2017). "Russia accused of supplying Taliban as power shifts create strange bedfellows". the Guardian.
- Calamur, Krishnadev (25 August 2017). "Is Russia Really Arming the Taliban?". The Atlantic. Retrieved 28 August 2018.
The U.S. claim—including those made in news reports—comes with no accompanying evidence, and the experts I spoke to said none of the open-source information they have seen suggest there is a direct link.
- Marcus, Jonathan (29 June 2020). "What's going on between Russia, US and Afghanistan?". BBC News.
- Higgins, Andrew; Mashal, Mujib (6 February 2019). "Taliban Peace Talks in Moscow End With Hope the U.S. Exits, if Not Too Quickly". The New York Times.
- "Taliban says progress made at Afghan talks in Moscow". Al Jazeera. 30 May 2019.
- Rodionov, Maxim (30 May 2019). "Taliban say progress made at Afghan talks in Moscow but no breakthrough". Reuters.
- "New Administration Memo Seeks to Foster Doubts About Suspected Russian Bounties". The New York Times. 3 July 2020.
- "Why we need a little skepticism, and more evidence, on Russian bounties". The Hill. 7 May 2020.
- "Top Pentagon officials say Russian bounty program not corroborated". ABC News. 10 July 2020.
- "AM Archive – UK freezes $200 million worth of Taliban assets". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 4 November 2010.
- Clements, Frank (2003). Conflict in Afghanistan: A Historical Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 154. ISBN 978-1-85109-402-8.
- "General Sir Michael Jackson: We must maintain our will in Afghanistan". The Daily Telegraph. London. 21 June 2008. Retrieved 4 November 2010.
- Meo, Nick (9 August 2008). "British cash to buy off Taliban 'goes to farmers'". The Daily Telegraph. London. Retrieved 9 April 2010.
- "UK news". The Guardian. London. 23 January 2008. Retrieved 9 April 2010.
- Rashid 2000, p. 176.
- Rashid 2000, pp. 175–8.
- Rashid 2000, p. 177.
- "US pledges support for Afghan oil pipeline if Taliban makes peace". BBC News. 10 December 1997. Retrieved 9 April 2010.
- Reuters, "Taliban blame Clinton scam for attacks", 21 August 1998.
- Rashid 2000, pp. 138, 231.
- Rashid 2000, p. 78.
- "U.S. set to pay Taliban members to switch sides". CNN. 29 October 2009. Retrieved 9 April 2010.
- "IPS Inter Press Service". Ipsnews.net. Archived from the original on 11 June 2011. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- "Right after interviewing Karzai". CNN. 6 December 2009. Retrieved 9 April 2010.
- Homan, Timothy R. (6 December 2009). "Talks With Taliban Not Ruled Out, U.S. Officials Say (Update1)". bloomberg.com. Archived from the original on 13 June 2010. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- "Pentagon sees reconciliation with Taliban". stuff.co.nz. Reuters. 11 September 2001. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- "McChrystal focuses on peace with Taliban: report". AFP. 24 January 2010. Archived from the original on 28 January 2010. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- "Jonathan Cristol | Palgrave". www.palgrave.com. Retrieved 4 October 2019.
- "U.S. begins troop withdrawal from Afghanistan, official says". POLITICO. Associated Press. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
- Basit, Abdul (June 2020). "The US-Taliban Deal and Expected US Exit from Afghanistan: Impact on South Asian Militant Landscape". Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses. Nanyang Technological University, Singapore: International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research. 12 (4): 8–14. JSTOR 26918076.
- Rai, Manish (21 March 2020). "U.S.-Taliban Deal: India should Chalk-out a New Strategy". OpedColumn.News.Blog.
- George, Susannah (29 February 2020). "U.S. signs peace deal with Taliban agreeing to full withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan". The Washington Post.
- McLaughlin, Elizabeth; Martinez, Luis; Finnegan, Conor (27 May 2020). "Trump says 'it is time' for US troops to exit Afghanistan, undermining agreement with Taliban". ABC News.
- Maulvi Jalil-ullah Maulvizada, June 1997 interview with Ahmed Rashid; Rashid 2000, pp. 111–112.
- Farmer, Ben (25 January 2010). "UN: lift sanctions on Taliban to build peace in Afghanistan". The Daily Telegraph. London. Retrieved 9 April 2010.
- "UN official calls for talks with taliban leaders". sify.com. 2 August 2009. Retrieved 20 September 2017.
- "UN Reduce Taliban names on terror list". United Press International. 25 January 2010. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- "Asia News". english.aljazeera.net. 26 January 2010. Retrieved 27 August 2010.
- Wright 2006, pp. 246–247, 287–288 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFWright2006 (help).
- Wright 2006, pp. 288–289 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFWright2006 (help).
- Rashid 2000, p. 139.
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 11 March 2007. Retrieved 11 March 2007.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link), archived from the original Archived 18 August 2006 at the Wayback Machine on 11 March 2011.
- Lawrence Wright claims bin Laden was almost completely broke at this time, cut off from his family income, and fleeced by the Sudanese.Wright 2006, pp. 222–223 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFWright2006 (help).
- "Indictments" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 March 2012. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- "Taliban confirms bin Laden is missing". CNN. 14 February 1999. Archived from the original on 23 October 2008.
- "Taliban Won't Turn Over Bin Laden". CBS News. 21 September 2001. Retrieved 7 July 2007.
- "Osama bin Laden 'innocent'". BBC News. 21 November 1998. Retrieved 17 November 2011.
- "Embassy bombing defendant linked to bin Laden". CNN. 14 February 2001. Archived from the original on 26 February 2006.
- "Cooperative Research records of evidence against bin Laden". Cooperativeresearch.org. Archived from the original on 19 August 2013. Retrieved 2 September 2012.
- Bin Laden, Messages to the World, (2006), p.143, from Interview published in Al-Quds Al-Arabi in London, 12 November 2001 (originally published in Pakistani daily, Ausaf, 7 Nov.), shortly before the Northern Alliance entry into Kabul.
- "Sources: Taliban split with al Qaeda, seek peace". CNN. Archived from the original on 5 August 2004.
- Brinkerhoff, Noel (9 February 2011). "Surprise! Taliban and Al-Qaeda are Worlds Apart". Allgov.com. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "Taliban Commander Says Taliban Cannot Win Afghan War: Report – ABC News". Abcnews.go.com. 2 May 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2014.
- "Preview: Michael Semple interviews a senior member of the Taliban". New Statesman. 11 July 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2014.
- Mayo, Akbar (8 June 2011). "Rise of Malakand Taliban". The Daily Outlook Afghanistan. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- Tighe, Paul & Katz, Ian (10 August 2009). "Pakistan Challenges Taliban to Show Leader Mehsud Still Alive". Bloomberg. Archived from the original on 20 July 2012. Retrieved 9 August 2009.
- Shane, Scott (22 October 2009). "Insurgents Share a Name, but Pursue Different Goals". The New York Times. Retrieved 26 January 2011.
- UNSC slaps sanctions on Pakistani Taliban, 30 July 2011, rediff.com
- Gall, Carlotta; Khan, Ismail; Shah, Pir Zubair; Shah, Taimoor (26 March 2009). "Pakistani and Afghan Taliban Unify in Face of US Influx". The New York Times. Retrieved 27 March 2009.
- U.S. attack on Taliban kills 23 in Pakistan, The New York Times, 9 September 2008
- Spak, Kevin (3 October 2011). "Haqqani Denies Link With Pakistan – And insists it didn't assassinate peace envoy Burhanuddin Rabbani". Newser.com. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- "Haqqani denies links to Pakistani government". Army Times. Archived from the original on 17 January 2013. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- Mullen, Mike (30 September 2011). "Pakistan denies links to Haqqani network". Windsorstar.com. Reuters. Archived from the original on 2 October 2013. Retrieved 10 September 2013.
- "Haqqani network denies links to ISI: BBC". The Express Tribune. Agence France-Presse. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
- Griffiths, John C. (2001), Afghanistan: A History of Conflict, London: Carlton Books, ISBN 978-1-84222-597-4
- Hillenbrand, Carole (2015), Islam: A New Historical Introduction, London: Thames & Hudson, ISBN 978-0-500-11027-0
- Matinuddin, Kamal (1999), The Taliban Phenomenon: Afghanistan 1994–1997, Karachi: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-579274-2
- Rashid, Ahmed (2000), Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia, New Haven: Yale University Press, ISBN 978-0-300-08340-8
- Jackson, Ashley; Amiri, Rahmatullah (November 2019), "Insurgent Bureaucracy: How the Taliban Makes Policy" (PDF), Peaceworks, Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 153: C1-44, ISBN 978-1-60127-789-3, retrieved 26 March 2020
- Moj, Muhammad (2015), The Deoband Madrassah Movement: Countercultural Trends and Tendencies, Anthem Press, ISBN 978-1-78308-389-3
- "Afghan Women and the Taliban: An Exploratory Assessment" (International Centre for Counter-Terrorism – The Hague 2014)
- Taliban in Oxford Islamic Studies Online
- How Do I Get in Touch With a Terrorist Slate. October 2009
- The Taliban's Secret Photos
- Future Opioids: Afghanistan, Opium and the Taliban
- The National Security Archive – "The September 11th Sourcebooks" Volume VII: The Taliban File September 2003
- The Taliban Diaries by Shaukat Qadir, Daily Times, 2009-06-20
- Taliban collected news and commentary at Al Jazeera English
- Taliban Conflict collected news and commentary at BBC News
- Taliban collected news and commentary at The Guardian
- "Taliban collected news and commentary". The New York Times.
- Works by or about Taliban in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
- Return Of The Taliban from PBS Frontline, October 2006
- Held by The Taliban: A Reporting Trip Becomes a Kidnapping from The New York Times, 2008–2009
- Military Raids, Backing of Corrupt Government Undermining Stated US Goals in Afghanistan – video report by Democracy Now!